In May 2017, Dimas Ramadhan led the Populi Center survey team assigned to the province of West Kalimantan. While working as a supervisor, he also makes use of his time in the field to make observations on the political dynamics that are taking place in the current era of regional autonomy. The following is a report on the results of his observations.
Introduction
This article is a travel report on a survey in West Kalimantan (West Kalimantan) on 3-8 May 2017. On the sidelines of being busy monitoring the 80 survey data collectors (TPD) for five days, the author tries to explore local issues that are interesting or overlooked. of the questions in the questionnaire. Several key questions regarding the socio-political dynamics of West Kalimantan were made with the Executive Director of the Populi Center, Hikmat Budiman, and became a reference for the author in making observations. Primary data obtained from interviews with Dr. Ema Rahmaniah (Head of the Sociology Masters Study Program at Tanjung Pura Pontianak University), as well as small talk with Dr. Hermansyah (law expert at Tanjunpura University). In addition, the author also interviewed sources from the younger generation, namely Bambang Hermansyah, a young man from Sambas who is now a staff member of the Chairman of the Regional Representatives Council of the Republic of Indonesia (DPD RI) Oesman Sapta Odang. He was also a co-author when he was studying for a master's degree at the University of Indonesia several years ago. Considering that the three sources are ethnic Malay, ideally the author also interviews sources with ethnic Dayak backgrounds, in order to get a more balanced picture. However, time constraints prevented the writer from presenting alternative perspectives.
Due to the limited time and the wide scope of the field survey, the authors decided to make West Kalimantan Province in general the object of study in this paper. The topic that the writer chooses is ethnic relations in West Kalimantan, both in the historical and contemporary political context. This topic was chosen for two main reasons. First, West Kalimantan is a province that has a long history of inter-ethnic conflict. Second, regarding the recent incident on Friday 5 May 2017, namely the ambush against the Chairperson of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) Ustadz Sobri and the Chairperson of the National Movement to Guard the Fatwa of the Indonesian Ulema Council (GNPF-MUI) Ustadz Bachtiar Nasir at Supadio Airport, Kubu Raya Regency .
The interception was inseparable from the demands of the Dayak people, which were based on a speech by the current West Kalimantan governor Cornelis a few weeks earlier. As governor of West Kalimantan and President of the National Dayak Traditional Council (MADN), he has clearly stated that he rejects the planned arrival of FPI clerics who will attend the event in Mempawah Regency. He also threatened to deploy 10,000 Dayaks to prevent the arrival of the FPI leadership. The West Kalimantan police, the FPI and GNPF-MUI groups were then directed to return to Jakarta that night for security reasons. The following day, the Malay People's Association held a massive demonstration in Pontianak City as a form of protest against the statement by the governor of West Kalimantan which made the arrival of their clerics cancelled.
From these two topics, the writer comes to two questions. How exactly is the power relation between ethnic Malays and Dayaks in West Kalimantan? How do you interpret the incident of the blockade of the FPI and GNPF-MUI scholars? This question is relevant given that identity politics is currently strengthening, especially after the election for the Governor of the Special Capital Region of Jakarta (Pilgub DKI) Jakarta. As a national political barometer, many parties are starting to worry that the use of identity sentiment, especially religion, in the political sphere will be replicated in other regions that will hold regional head elections (Pilkada) in the upcoming 2018, including West Kalimantan Province.
West Kalimantan Profile
West Kalimantan is a province on the island of Borneo which is directly adjacent to Sarawak, East Malaysia. The capital of West Kalimantan province is Pontianak City, known as the City of the Equator because it is right in this city that the sun's trajectory is zero degrees latitude. Every March 21-23 (12:50 WIB) and September 23-25 (12:36 WIB), the sun will be at its highest point, right at the Equator Monument. The monument was built in 1938 by an architect named Frederich Silaban, who is also famous for other monumental works such as the National Museum and the Istiqlal Mosque. If we stand right at the monument at the above times, the phenomenon of 'disappearing shadows' occurs.
During the time of the United Republic of Indonesia (RIS), West Kalimantan had the status of a Special Region that was autonomous or not affiliated with the federated states as a result of the Round Table Conference (KMB) in 1949, with Sultan Hamid II as its president. A year later, when the Integral Motion was approved by the RIS parliament, the federal states agreed to dissolve themselves and join the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). On January 1, 1957, West Kalimantan was ratified as a province, along with South Kalimantan (Kalsel) and East Kalimantan (Kaltim). Adji Prince Afloes and Djenal Asikin Judadibrata were appointed as acting governors (Pjs) of West Kalimantan governor from 1957 to 1959. Until 2017, West Kalimantan Province has been led by 11 governors.
Table 1. List of Governors of West Kalimantan
| No | Name | Period | Background |
| 1 | Farel Pasaribu | 1953-1957 | |
| 2 | Adji Prince Afloes | 1957-1958 | Bureaucrat, Prosecutor |
| 3 | Djalal Asikin Judadibrata | 1958-1959 | ABRI |
| 4 | JC Oevaang Oeray | 1960-1966 | Dayak Unity Party |
| 5 | Soemardi Bc. HK | 1967-1972 | ABRI |
| 6 | Cabbage. Kadarusno | 1972-1977 | ABRI |
| 7 | H. Soedjiman | 1977-1982 and 1982-1987 | ABRI |
| 8 | Parjoko Suryokusumo | 1987-1993 | ABRI |
| 9 | H. Aspar Aswin | 1993-1998 and 1998-2003 | ABRI/TNI |
| 10 | H. Usman Ja'far | 2003-2008 | PPP |
| 11 | Drs. Cornelis | 2008-2013 and 2013-2017 | PDIP |
With an area of 146,807 km2, West Kalimantan is included in the third largest province after Papua and Central Kalimantan (Central Kalimantan). In 2015, the population of West Kalimantan was around 4.8 million people. Pontianak City is the most populous city (5,637 people per km2) as well as the largest population (607,618 people). Currently there are 14 regencies/cities that are part of the West Kalimantan region.
Table 2 List of Regencies/Cities in West Kalimantan
| No | County town | Central government |
| 1 | Bengkayang Regency | Stuffed |
| 2 | Regency. Kapuas Hulu | Putussibau |
| 3 | Regency. North Cayong | Sukadana |
| 4 | Regency. Ketapang | Titi fell |
| 5 | Regency. Kingdom Fortress | stronghold |
| 6 | Regency. Porcupine | Ngabang |
| 7 | Melawi Regency | Pino Dragon |
| 8 | Regency. Mempawah (formerly Pontianak) | Pinyuh River |
| 9 | Regency. Sambas | Leader |
| 10 | Regency. For one thing | For one thing |
| 11 | Regency. Sanggau | Sanggau |
| 12 | Sintang District | Tebelian City |
| 13 | Pontianak City | East Pontianak |
| 14 | Singapore City | Singkawang |
West Kalimantan has abundant agricultural and plantation potential. West Kalimantan's agricultural products include rice, corn and soybeans, while plantation products include rubber, oil palm, coconut and aloe vera. Oil palm plantation area until October 2012 reached 1,060,000 ha. Apart from these two sectors, West Kalimantan is also rich in minerals. The West Kalimantan region is known as the metalogen pathway, which means that it contains the most metal minerals, for example iron, silver, copper, gold, antimony, Mo, and lead. West Kalimantan also has excellent mineral resources such as bauxite in Mempawah, Bengkayang, Sanggau, Porcupine, Ketapang, Sekadau, Kubu Raya and North Kayong Regencies.
Literature Review: Inter-Ethnic Relations in West Kalimantan
In general, Kalimantan is the place where the Dayak ethnicity exists. According to Putra (2014), it is currently quite difficult to identify who is a Dayak and who is not a Dayak, although several experts have tried to define it, such as Measure (1971), Lontaan (1975), Coomans (1987) and Djuweng and Krenak (1993). Even so, there is a general conclusion that the Dayak are an indigenous ethnic group that inhabits the island of Borneo, which has not been touched by foreign religions or outside influences. Judging from the racial category, the Dayak ethnic group belongs to the descendants of three primate races, namely Austroloid, Austronesian, Melanesian, and a small number of Mongoloid. Based on similarities in customs, religious teachings, language, physical characteristics, ceremonial rituals and places of residence, currently there are at least around three million Dayak people living in three countries on the island of Borneo, namely Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam.
Along with the establishment of Islamic kingdoms or sultanates, there is a general assumption that Dayaks who embrace Islam are no longer referred to as Dayaks, but Malays. Dayak people who convert to Islam are obliged to abandon all the teachings of their ancestors and adopt Malay culture. For Malays, Islam is not only a religion but also a culture and way of life. This is possible because of the existence of a Malay kingdom or sultanate which has established Islamic teachings as part of Malay culture. Some sizable Malay Islamic kingdoms or sultanates were Tanjungpura, Mempawah, and Sambas. In general, Malays occupy cities located on the coast and on the banks of large rivers such as the Landak River, Kapuas River and Sambas River.
Due to the limitations of the authors, for the time being this assumption applies only to West Kalimantan, not necessarily to other Kalimantan provinces. However, in the Indonesian context, this assumption is also found in other regions such as West Sumatra (West Sumatra). There the Minangkabau people must be Muslim, and if they are not Muslim they are definitely not native Minangkabau (Budiman, 2012). Dayak people who embrace a divine religion other than Islam, in this case Catholic or Protestant, are still referred to as Dayak people. They still maintain various elements of culture or original beliefs. Dayak people are known to occupy many inland areas of the mountains or forests.
In the current context of West Kalimantan, Dayak and Malay are the two dominant ethnicities with religion as a dividing line. La Ode (2012) even mentions Dayak and Malay as indigenous ethnicities in West Kalimantan. Another ethnic group that quite a lot inhabits West Kalimantan is the Chinese ethnicity. The largest arrival of ethnic Chinese to West Kalimantan occurred in the 17th century, where they were brought in by the Kingdom of Sambas to work as gold mine workers in Bodok (now part of Sanggau Regency) and Monterado (Bengkayang Regency). Javanese ethnic groups entered West Kalimantan through the New Order (New Order) government's transmigration program in the period 1967-1986. There are also ethnic Madurese, who are thought to have started coming to West Kalimantan in 1902, with destinations including Sukadana (now part of Ketapang Regency), Pontianak, and Sambas. These three places are areas that can be reached directly using traditional boats from Madura Island. In addition, there are also Bugis ethnic groups who have lived in coastal areas since the 18th century.
Table 3. Ethnicity in West Kalimantan
| No. | ethnicity | Amount | Percentage |
| 1 | Malay | 1.259.890 | 33,75% |
| 2 | Dayaks | 1.259.802 | 33,75% |
| 3 | Chinese/Chinese | 373.690 | 10,01% |
| 4 | Java | 351.152 | 9,41% |
| 5 | Madura | 205.550 | 5,51% |
| 6 | Bugis | 123.000 | 3,20% |
| 7 | Sunda | 45.090 | 1,21% |
| 8 | Banjar | 24.756 | 0,66% |
| 9 | Batak | 20.824 | 0,56% |
| 10 | Other | 69.194 | 1,85% |
| Total | 3.732.950 | 100,00% |
Source: BPS 2003 (processed)
The diversity of ethnicities is one of the things that makes West Kalimantan vulnerable to conflict. There are several studies on ethnic conflict in West Kalimantan, including the number of conflicts over a certain period of time (Arkanudin, 2006). Arafat (1998) mentioned that there were at least 10 ethnic conflicts accompanied by violence from 1933 to 1997. Meanwhile, Alqadrie (1999) mentioned that there were 11 inter-ethnic conflicts from 1962 to 1999. On the other hand, Petebang (2000) noted that from 1952 to 1999 there had been there were 12 conflicts. Although each of them uses their own definition of conflict boundaries, their findings show that conflicts occur repeatedly. Within 50 to 60 years, there have been 10 to 12 conflicts, or in other words, within 4 to 5 years there has been one conflict. Kristianus (2011) recorded 17 cases of ethnic conflict in West Kalimantan from 1966 to 2008 (Table 4).
Table 4. Time, Location and Ethnicity with Conflict in West Kalimantan
| No. | Time | Location | Information |
| 1. | 1966-67 | Sambas, Pontianak, Sanggau, Sintang, Ketapang districts | Dayak ethnic conflict with China. All ethnic Chinese were expelled from villages in the interior of West Kalimantan. This conflict was supported by the military which was associated with the crushing of the PKI and PGRS-Paraku. During this period the governor Oevang Oerai and 4 regents from the Dayak ethnic group overthrew |
| 2. | 1968 | Pavilion, Pontianak Regency | Conflict between Dayaks and Madurese, the conflict was sparked by the murder of Sani (Subdistrict Head of Sungai Pinyuh who is a Dayak Kanayatn) by Sukri, a Madurese. The background to this murder was the refusal of the sub-district head to provide land certificates on Sundays because the sub-district head wanted to go to church. At this time the political atmosphere is uncertain. |
| 3. | 1976 | On the Pinyuh River, Pontianak Regency | Dayak ethnic conflict with Madurese, the conflict was spurred by the killing of a Kanayatn Dayak, namely Clove from Liongkong/Sukaramai who was committed by a Madurese who took grass on the victim's land. This incident occurred before the 1977 elections |
| 4. | 1977 | In Singkawang, Sambas district | This conflict was triggered by the killing of a Dayak Kanayatn member of the National Police named Robert Lanceng by a Madurese. Prior to the incident, the victim warned his younger sister not to go out at night with the Madurese youth. This event was in the same year as the ELECTION and before the election of the Governor |
| 5. | 1979 | Sambas District | The conflict was sparked by a dispute over debt issues which led to Sakep (a Kanayatn Dayak) being attacked by three Madurese. Two other Kanayant Dayaks were nearly killed. This conflict is the result of the disappointment of the Dayak ethnic because only a few ethnic Dayak sit in the legislative and executive institutions. |
| 6. | 1982 | Mr. Cat, Sambas Regency | The conflict was sparked by the murder of Sidik, a Dayak Kanayatn resident, by Aswandi, a Madurese resident, because the victim reprimanded Aswandi for taking grass from his rice fields without prior notification. ELECTIONS were also held this year. |
| 7. | 1983 | Enau River, Ambawang River District, Pontianak Regency | The conflict was sparked by Dul Arif, a Madurese who killed a Kanayatn Dayak named Djaelani because of a land dispute. The events occurred after the ELECTION and before the election for the Governor |
| 8. | 1992 | Mr. Cat, Sambas Regency | The conflict was sparked by the rape of Sidik's child (who was killed in 1982) by a Madurese. The event occurred at the same time as the ELECTION. |
| 9. | 1993 | Pontianak Municipality | The mass conflict was sparked by fights between Dayak youths and Madurese youths which resulted in the destruction and burning of the Parish Church of Mary Queen of Peace Lovers and Abdi Agape Christian School. This incident occurred after the ELECTION and before the Governor Election. |
| 10. | 1994 | Tubang Titi, Ketapang Regency | The conflict was sparked by the stabbing of a Dayak by a Madurese who was working on a road construction project. At this time the election of the Regent of Sintang was held. Dayak candidates were defeated by ethnic Malays because there was betrayal. |
| 11 | 28 Dec 1996 | Sanggau Ledo, Sambas Regency | The conflict was triggered by the stabbing of Yakundus and Akim, two Kanayatn Dayak youths in Sanggau Ledo by Madurese youths, namely Bakri and four of his friends. This conflict occurred before the election. |
| 12. | 15 Jan–28 Feb 1997 | Sambas Regency, Pontianak Regency, Sanggau Kapuas Regency, and Pontianak Municipality | The Dayak-Madura conflict in the Sambas district began to subside, but then exploded again after an attack on the Asisi Middle School-High School complex in Siantan. In this incident, two women from Dayak Jangkang (Sanggau Kapuas) and Dayak Menyuke (Landak) were injured. Then, a Kanayatn Dayak resident from Tebas-Sambas, namely Nyangkot, was killed by a group of Madurese in Peniraman. This year, ELECTIONS were held, Sanggau Regent election and governor election. In addition, the national political situation in Jakarta is also heating up. |
| 13 | Jan. 17, 1999 | Sambas District | Known as the trench Setia case, riots between Malays and Madurese. This incident occurred in the year the 1999 election was held. |
| 14 | March 1999 | Sambas Regency, and Pontianak Municipality | Simultaneously with the Sambas-Madura Malay conflict, there was the murder of Martinus Amat, a resident of the Dayak Kanayatn of Samalantan, thus inviting the sympathy of the residents (Dayak Kanayatn) in Samalantan and Sanggau Ledo to retaliate. During this period the election for the Pontianak Regent was also taking place which was riotous because the Mempawah DPRD building was set on fire by the mob. In Bengkayang there was also chaos in the election of the Bengkayang Regent. What's interesting is that at this time it also coincided with the election of MPR members who would represent ethnic groups in West Kalimantan. |
| 15 | March 2003 | Sei Duri | The Sambas Malays were angry because their settlement in Sei Duri was included in the Bengkayang district which was led by the Dayak Selako. This year also held the election of the Governor of West Kalimantan and the General Election. |
| 16 | 2007 | Pontianak City | The Malays clashed with the Chinese, the case was sparked by an ethnic Malay's car being scratched. This Paristiwa took place after the Governor Election, the candidate from Melayu lost. In addition, in the Singkawang mayoral election, ethnic Chinese won while candidates from Malays lost. |
| 17 | 2008 | Singkawang City (Sambas) | The Malays rioted with the Chinese in Singkawang, triggered by the construction of a Dragon statue. During this period, the 2009 election also took place. |
Source: Kristianus (2011)
If we pay more attention to ethnicity, the conflicts most frequently involved are between Dayak and Malay and Madurese, or Dayak and Malay and Chinese. Meanwhile, Malays and Dayaks are almost never involved in violent conflict with each other. During the major inter-ethnic conflict in 1996-1997 in Sambas, the Madurese tried to rally and invite the Malays as fellow Muslims to be on their side by activating the issue of a religious war against the Dayaks. However, Malay figures never saw the conflict as a religious issue, but rather the Dayak resistance against the Madurese, which was often arbitrary. According to Suparlan (2009), ethnic immigrants are able to adjust to the customs and socio-political institutions that exist in West Kalimantan, so that even if there is friction with Malays or Dayaks it is seen as an individual conflict. The Bugis, for example, who used to bring badik to public places and use it when their self-esteem was disturbed, abandoned their habit. They even become like the Malays in settling cases and apologizing first if necessary.
This is why many say that the ethnic conflict that occurred in West Kalimantan is a conflict between "indigenous ethnicity" and "ethnic immigrants". For the writer, the relationship between the Malays and the Dayaks is unique even though the two have different customs, life principles and religions. Dayaks and Malays tend to walk side by side with each other more than with other immigrant ethnicities. From the author's interview with Bambang Hermansyah, the Malays and the Dayaks are like brothers. The Malays consider the Dayaks to be "older brothers", therefore the Malays often use the term "brother" for the Dayaks. On the other hand, the Dayaks regard the Malays as their "younger brothers". Good relations in everyday life between Malays and Dayaks occur because both of them are aware of the existence and dominance of ethnic culture in their respective regions and respect each other (Suparlan, 2009). Therefore the relationship between the two is relatively harmonious and symbiotic or requires each other.
The Strengthening of Dayak Identity Politics
If so far the relationship between the Dayaks and the Malays has been harmonious, then how do we make sense of the tensions that have arisen in connection with the blockade of the FPI and GNPF-MUI clerics which led to massive demonstrations by the Malay Association? Head of the Sociology Masters Study Program at Tanjung Pura University, Ema Rahmaniah, assessed that the rejection of FPI was not based on dislike for Islam, which many Malays embrace, but rather on the potential for intolerance that the ulema might bring. In other words, what is rejected is the clergy and their organizations, not the Islamic religion and its da'wah activities. Therefore, even though the issue of religion was the dominant discourse in the obstruction case, Ema refused to call it a religious conflict. "It is more appropriate to call it the radicalization of the Dayak people," said Ema.
Another source, Bambang Hermansyah, did not deny that currently the Dayak people are dominating the Malays. According to Bambang, the strengthening of Dayak identity politics cannot be separated from the political marginalization that has been experienced so far, especially during the New Order era. The local political stage of West Kalimantan at that time barely accommodated representatives of the Dayak people, both in the bureaucracy, executive and legislative branches. In fact, it is not uncommon for the political elite from among the Dayak ethnic groups to come from the United Dayak Party (PPD) to be labeled the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). On the other hand, the Malay political elite benefited both politically and in regional development and the development of human qualities. However, Bambang refused to mention the Malays as the cause of the backwardness of the Dayaks, but more due to the factors of residence and access to power. Malays who mostly live on the coast have easier access to educational institutions, health facilities, and government administration, compared to Dayaks in the interior.
In terms of local politics, Malays also benefit from the similarity of religion and culture with the majority of power holders at the central level, so that the Malay elite is more dominant in West Kalimantan. The small opportunity for the Dayak elite in local politics in West Kalimantan was also supported by the militaristic New Order political system, which tended not to give more trust to local civilian elites in leading their regions. During this period, only one Dayak person ever became governor, namely JC Oevaang Oeray in 1960-1966. Of the nine people who had served as governor of West Kalimantan until the reformation period, the majority came from an ABRI background which was dominated by Javanese, while the rest were local Malay bureaucrats and aristocrats. Based on research by Tanasaldy (2007), in 1968 five out of seven regents and mayors in West Kalimantan had military officer backgrounds.
Several years before the end of the New Order regime, the Dayak elite began to show off by appearing more aggressive in the public sphere, including in local political arenas at the district/city level. This revival cannot be separated from the successful holding of a national seminar on Dayak ethnicity in 1993. In the 1994 Sintang regent (Pilbup) election, the Karya Group (Golkar) as a supporter of central government political interests, nominated LH Kadir, a Dayak bureaucrat, although in the end it failed. Only in the 1995 Kapuas Hulu Pilbup, for the first time during the New Order regime, did Dayaks succeed in being elected as regents. Since then, slowly but surely the Dayak people have begun to balance Malay domination at the district/city level in West Kalimantan.
Successively a number of regents with Dayak backgrounds were successfully elected. In 1999 Yacobus Lima was elected as regent of Bengkayang. In 2001 Cornelis, who had failed in the 1998 Pontianak Pilbup, was elected as regent of Landak. Elyakim Simon Djalil, the candidate for regent of Sintang in 2002, fulfilled the success of the Dayak people in winning their candidate in the era of the electoral system at the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD) level. When the direct local election system was put into effect in 2005, the Sintang, Sekadau, Bengkayang and Landak districts were successfully "secured" by the Dayaks. The climax was when Cornelis won the West Kalimantan gubernatorial election twice in a row.
Efforts to Maintain Domination
The experience of discrimination in terms of ethnic representation in politics and local governance in the past has made the Dayak people stand out. The blockade of FPI and GNPF-MUI clerics, intentionally or not, and for whatever reason, can be seen as part of the efforts of the Dayak people to maintain their political dominance in West Kalimantan. This was reinforced by Bambang who stated that in the last ten years efforts to maintain the dominance of the Dayak people in West Kalimantan have been carried out in many forms, including involving religious sentiments. Because of this, Bambang somewhat disagreed with Ema's statement, which stated that the cleric's blockade at Supadio Airport was “only” ethnic radicalization without any religious sentiments. For Bambang, even though FPI and GNPF-MUI are known as intolerant organizations, they are still clerics for ethnic Malays who are Muslims.
Bambang mentioned several other examples, for example in the case of building a house of worship in Pontianak. In December 2014 Cornelis inaugurated on a large scale the St. Joseph Cathedral Church which can accommodate 3,000 people in Pontianak City. For Cornelis, this was an attempt at domination with a religious flavor, bearing in mind that so far the City of Pontianak was the basis of the Malay people, with the symbol of the Pontianak Sultanate which had existed before. Luckily, less than two months later, the Raya Mujahidin Mosque was also inaugurated on January 20, 2015. The inauguration of the mosque which can accommodate 9,000 people was attended by President Joko Widodo and DPD RI member Oesman Sapta Odang.
Another example, religious attributes on holidays at the West Kalimantan Governor's building. During Christian holidays such as the birth of Jesus, Christmas ornaments are made luxurious. Meanwhile, during Eid al-Fitr, the Governor's office only puts up small beduk decorations as a symbol of commemorating Muslim holidays. According to Bambang, the commemoration of the Chinese people's holidays is also more lavish than the Muslims' holidays. Regarding the blockade of FPI clerics, Bambang said that previously it had happened to MUI Deputy Secretary General (Wasekjen) Tengku Zulkarnain at Susilo Airport, Sintang Regency, in early January 2017. For Bambang, the series of incidents of ambush became increasingly clear that there was an attempt to dominate religion even though it was on a large scale. small.
Some Implications Of Domination
A number of events that are considered as efforts to maintain the dominance of the Dayak people in West Kalimantan were basically carried out to maintain the power they currently hold. In 2018 West Kalimantan will carry out simultaneous local elections, starting from the provincial to district/city levels, namely Pontianak City, Mempawah Regency, North Kayong Regency, Sanggau Regency and Kubu Raya Regency. Unfortunately, efforts to maintain this dominance were not accompanied by improvements in government performance.
In the field of government, the domination of the Dayak people was confirmed by appointing many employees of the West Kalimantan Provincial Government (Pemprov) from among the Dayak people. From the author's light conversation with the lecturer at the Faculty of Law, Tanjungpura University, Hermansyah, it is known that around 901 TP3T service heads (Kadis) in the ranks of the West Kalimantan Provincial Government are Dayak people, and around 60-701 TP3T heads of sections (Kabag) positions are also filled by bureaucrats from among the Dayak people.
It is not yet known whether the choice of position is based on statutory provisions or not, but the authors obtained data from the West Kalimantan Province's Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI) in 2015 which showed a drastic decrease in the score of "role of local government bureaucracy" from the previous year, namely -58.42 (Table 5). In addition, a decrease in the score also occurred on civil liberties in terms of "threats/use of violence by the public that impede freedom of speech", "written rules that are discriminatory in terms of gender, ethnicity, and group", and "acts/statements of officials that are discriminatory in terms of gender” (Table 6).
Table 5.
Development of 2014 and 2015 IDI Variable Scores for West Kalimantan Province
Table 6.
Development of 2014 and 2015 IDI Variable Scores in the Field of Civil Liberties in West Kalimantan Province
Closing
West Kalimantan Province is known as an area that has a history of violent inter-ethnic conflict. However, history shows that violent conflict hardly involved the two major ethnic groups, namely the Malays and the Dayaks. This is because both of them are able to realize the existence and social institutions in their respective areas. In addition, basically the two ethnic groups came from the same ethnicity before the Islamic sultanate arrived, namely the Dayak ethnicity, so that everyday problems involving Malays and Dayaks could be resolved in a good way. Even so, the rivalry between the two ethnic groups in the political field continues, even involving religious sentiments. In the past, Malays dominated politics and local government in West Kalimantan. Along with the strengthening of identity politics, now the Dayak people are able to compete, if not superior, to their younger siblings.
Based on information from sources, the incident of the ambush of FPI clerics by the Dayaks which sparked tensions with the Malays some time ago, was an attempt by the Dayaks to maintain their dominance of power by involving religious sentiments. Further analysis is needed whether this is still related to the strengthening of identity politics in the DKI Jakarta gubernatorial election. What is clear, however, is that in 2018 West Kalimantan Province will hold simultaneous local elections at the provincial and four district/city levels.
Basically efforts to maintain the domination of power, be it a group, ethnicity, or religion, are common in other regions. It's just that efforts to maintain this dominance tend to sacrifice more basic things that are more principled. In the case of West Kalimantan, strengthening the dominance of the Dayak ethnic group in government has sacrificed several things, starting from discriminatory public service indications, to a decline in civil liberties. This is further exacerbated by the absence of the role of political parties, which are actually capable of playing a more strategic role in preventing social disintegration in West Kalimantan. Even so, we should be grateful that not long after the tensions between the Malays and the Dayaks arose, the political elite agreed to intervene by signing a peace declaration, which was attended by prominent figures of the two ethnicities in West Kalimantan, namely Cornelis and Oesman Sapta Odang.
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Figure 1. Interception of the Head of the DPP FPI and the Chair of the GNPF-MUI at Supadio Airport (Source: Personal documentation)
Figure 2. Protest Action of the Malay People's Union, in Pontianak (Source: Personal documentation)
Figure 3. The signing of the peace declaration at the West Kalimantan Regional Police Headquarters (Source: Tribun Pontianak)
Figure 4. Interview with Head of Master of Sociology Untan Ema Rahmaniah (Source: Personal documentation)
Figure 5. Interview with Sambas Youth, in DPD RI (Source: Personal documentation)
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