The First Election, 1955 Liberal Democracy Milestones in Indonesia

The 1955 election is often considered the most democratic election ever held in Indonesian history. These elections were held during the reign of the Old Order (the term of the New Order government to label Sukarno's government). The reign of the Old Order was not too long, only lasted 20 years, starting from 1945 when Bung Karno and Bung Hatta proclaimed the founding of the Republic of Indonesia until 1965 which was marked by the bloody events of the PKI rebellion. The implementation of democratic elections was also in the tug-of-war of political interests, including the fierce debate between the two men, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, especially with regard to political governance and administration.

The most violent debate occurred when Bung Karno wanted the nation's character development before the election was held, while on the one hand, Bung Hatta had the belief that a democratic order of life must be implemented immediately. In the end the election was held based on Decree no X or known as Declaration X or November 3, 1945 (Detik, 13/03/2018). This edict was signed by Vice President Mohammad Hatta, the aim being that the many currents in society can be channeled into political parties. Towards Indonesia's independence, there were at least three main forces, namely Islamic, Nationalist, and Socialist/Marxist forces.

Ideological differences in society have been mapped even before the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia. This can be traced, among others, through Sukarno's writings entitled "Nationalism, Islamism, and Marxism" which were published in the Suluh Indonesia Muda newspaper in 1926. Sukarno's writings ultimately showed how the ideological struggles that occurred in the early days of independence (read more: Sukarno, (2005), Under the Flag of the Revolution, Jakarta: Bung Karno Foundation). In the future, this plurality encourages the formation of multi-party in the early days of the formation of the Republic of Indonesia. In the theorizing related to political parties and elections, the choice of political parties is based on how close the political preferences of voters are to the party they choose (Dalton, 2011; Kroh, 2009; van der Eijk, Schmitt, & Binder, 2005).

The 1946 Election Turmoil

The promulgation of Declaration X was enthusiastically responded. Not long after that, several political parties were founded in late 1945: the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on November 7, 1945, followed by the Indonesian Labor Party (PIB) and the People's Party (PRJ) on November 8, 1945, the Indonesian Christian Party (Parkindo) and Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI) on November 10, 1945, Socialist People's Party (PRS) on November 20, 1945, Indonesian Republican Catholic Party (PKRI) on December 8, 1945, and the Indonesian Marhaen Party (Permai) joined the Indonesian National Party (PNI) on December December 17, 1945 (Kompas, 29/06/2021). Previously, there was already the Indonesian Muslim Shura Council (Masyumi) party which was the result of the congress of the Indonesian Muslim Ummah which was held on 7-8 November 1924 in Yogyakarta (Kompas, 29/06/2021). At first, proclamation X was prepared for the first democratic event or the first election in Indonesia in January 1946, but the external and internal challenges at the beginning of the country's establishment were quite large, including rebellions in the regions, to the issue of returning to colonial efforts from allied forces. These two factors became the main obstacle to holding elections in early 1946.

Indonesia's entry into the physical revolution made it impossible for political stability to be formed for the sake of introducing the Election Bill. In the period from 1945 to 1955, there were several important periods. During this period, the 1945 Constitution was ratified by PPKI on 18 August 1945. Since 27 December 1949 the constitution of the United Republic of Indonesia (RIS) was in effect which was the agreement of the Round Table Conference on 23 August 1949 to 2 November 1949. On 17 August 1950, RIS was dissolved and became the Republic of Indonesia by imposing the 1950 Provisional Constitution (UUDS 1950) which adhered to a parliamentary system. UUDS is a consequence of the disbandment of RIS as a consequence of a large-scale demonstration demanding the return of Indonesia to become the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The 1950 Constitution will be amended by a constituent assembly elected through elections (Kompas, 18/08/2020).

Another problem lies in the number of cabinets that fell during this period. During the 1950-1959 period, there were seven cabinet changes, namely the Natsir Cabinet (September 1950-March 1951), the Sukiman Cabinet (April 1951-February 1952), the Wilopo Cabinet (April 1952-June 1953), the Ali Sastroamijoyo I Cabinet (July 1953- August 1955), the Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet (August 1955-March 1956), the Ali Sastroamijoyo II Cabinet (March 1956-March 1957), and the Juanda Cabinet (March 1957-July 1959). This long period was divided into two, namely the period before the 1955 election and after 1955. The problem before the 1955 election was the failure to push the Election Bill in parliament. Some DPR members are afraid of losing their seats in parliament. The pressure for elections grew stronger after the events of October 17, 1952, when the military demanded the dissolution of the DPRS by pointing their cannons at the palace. The law was passed during the Ali Sastroamijoyo I Cabinet which later announced a central election committee (Kompas, 18/08/2020; Feith, 2006).

The average age of the cabinet is less than one year. In addition to the physical revolution, the consolidation of democracy faces its challenges. On the eve of the 1955 elections, there was tension between the Provisional People's Representative Council (DPRS) and armed groups who demanded the dissolution of the DPRS. The formation of the DPRS which was carried out at the same time as the birth of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia was considered undemocratic and full of political interests during the RIS era. As a result of this tension, the implementation of elections was pushed quickly with the passing of the Election Law in April 1953 which regulates elections for the DPR and members of the Constituent Assembly (Tirto, 14/06/2020). Nationally, the 1955 election was the first national election, but in 1946 regional legislative elections were held in Kediri and Surakarta. Elections were also held in 1951 and 1952 in Minahasa, Sangir-Talaud, Makassar and Yogyakarta. Later these regional elections became a reference for the implementation of the 1955 national/election (Detik, 13/03/2018).

Election 1955

The 1955 elections were held during the era of Prime Minister Ali Sastroamidjoyo, who later resigned (Tempo, ttt). The number of parties participating in the election reached 172 political parties and 16 electoral districts, and the number of voters was 43,104,464 million people. The parliamentary seats up for grabs are 260 DPR seats and 520 Constituent seats, as well as 14 representatives of minority groups appointed by the government (Kompas, 02/20/2018; Kompas, 06/02/2020). The system used in the 1955 election was a proportional representation system. This means that the division of the number of seats is based on the number of residents in the region. With this system, each region will get a minimum of 6 seats in the Constituent Assembly and 3 seats in the DPR. In this election, members of the TNI and Polri are allowed to participate (Kompas, 06/02/2020; Tirto, 17/04/2019). One interesting note is that quite a number of TNI members voted for the PKI at that time. This was caused by the populist agenda offered by the PKI (Tirto, 17/04/2019).

Photo-1. An Officer Checking Ballot Boxes, 23 July 1955. Source: ANRI, Kempen Jakarta No. 550723 FG 3-13. (Pamungkas, 2019:45)

From the area coverage, the implementation of the election covered 208 districts, 2,139 sub-districts, and 43,429 villages. In the technical implementation, the election was carried out in two waves. The first wave to elect members of the DPR (on 29 September 1955) was attended by 29 political parties and individuals. Second wave to elect members of the Constituent Assembly (15 December 1955). From a financing standpoint, the 1955 elections cost 479 million rupiah for technical equipment, including the manufacture of ballot boxes and the honorarium of the organizing committee (Kompas, 06/02/2020).

The Indonesian Election Committee (PPI), was the organizer of the general election in 1955 whose formation was appointed by the President at the central level, while in each electoral district it was appointed through the ministry of justice under the name Election Committee. At the district/city level, the election committee is appointed by the ministry of home affairs under the name District Election Committee. In each sub-district there is a committee called the Voting Committee, while at the village level there is a Voter Registration Committee whose job is to record who has the right to vote.

At that time, the strong friction between parties made the lives of many Indonesian election committees threatened. It was recorded that 12 PPI people died in the line of duty, while 10 election organizers in Brebes were allegedly kidnapped and killed by persons who tried to disrupt the general election process at that time (Tirto, 04/23/2019). Even though the general election process is a form of canalization of physical political conflicts, the fact is that the process is not completely free from physical threats. Of course the key lies in the neutrality of the election organizers. Especially in several general elections that were held in Indonesia, such as in 1977, elements of political parties had become PPI members.

The 1955 election was considered the most democratic election, bearing in mind that in this election the public's participation and oversight of the implementation of the election was opened as wide as possible. In the 1955 election, the campaign was carried out in a very lively manner, there was a campaign on the main streets, some also used the campaign method by holding a general meeting. Many traders who are usually busy around the city of Jakarta, chose to go home to be able to exercise their right to vote, as a result the city of Jakarta which was usually bustling became quiet. There was a massive wave of homecoming in favor of voting. Even on September 28, 1955 (the day before the election) many residents had not received notification letters, so many of them came to the sub-district office to ask for ballots. The enthusiasm of the residents was very high, even the residents who were still aboard the ship also anchored to be able to cast their vote. This is also the case with detainees in North Sumatra (Antara, 1/04/2019). It is not surprising that the level of participation in this election is quite high.

Photo-2. List of Results of the 1955 DPR Member Voters, Jakarta March 1, 1956. Source: ANRI, Kempen Jakarta No. 560301 FG 18 (Pamungkas, 2019:141)

In the DPR election, there were 37,875,299 million people (87.65 percent) who exercised their right to vote from the 43,104,464 final voter lists. Of the 87.65 percent participation, 91.54 percent of the votes were valid. Meanwhile, 6 percent of residents who do not use their voting rights include people who are very old and very sick, as well as residents whose security is threatened. Meanwhile, 2.5 percent of residents did not exercise their right to vote because they died (Kompas, 06/02/2020; Detik, 13/03/2018). Meanwhile, in the Constituent Election, approximately 89.33 percent of the citizens exercising their right to vote from the final voter list. Of this percentage, valid ballots were 87.77 percent or slightly larger than DPR voters (Detik, 13/03/2018).

If the implementation of the 1946 election was hampered by a physical revolution for independence, then in the 1955 election there was a problem of internal security. When the elections were held, there was still a DI/TII (Darul Islam/Tentara Islam Indonesia) rebellion which at the time of the elections was spreading to West Java, parts of Sumatra and Sulawesi. DI/TII is a movement that aims to establish a state that enforces Islamic law in Indonesia. This movement is also known as the Indonesian Islamic State movement (NII). The origins of this movement emerged as a response to disappointment with the government, because in 1948 Indonesia was bound by the Renville agreement which made West Java part of Dutch territory. This rebellion started from Aceh which then spread to several areas such as West Java, Central Java, Central Sulawesi and Kalimantan. This movement was formed in the Tasikmalaya area on August 7, 1949 by Kartosoewirjo (Kumparan, 14/12/2020).

Security disturbances have emerged since the election preparation period, these disturbances have occurred in the form of disturbances in the distribution of logistics and voter data collection, even though the disturbances are on a small scale, for areas that do not experience security disturbances. As for areas experiencing security disturbances, such as Aceh, North Sumatra, South Sulawesi, and several sub-districts in Tasikmalaya, the registration process will take longer.

Another obstacle exists in several villages in Kalimantan where the population is illiterate. The 1955 election was not only an arena for political contestation, but also an arena for election participants to carry out the (moral) mission of eradicating 97 percent of illiteracy through political education (RMOL Central Java, 30/01/2021; Detik, 13/03/2018). Another disturbance was the occurrence of terror against election organizers, in several areas PPI members were kidnapped and even killed. In Yogyakarta (January 12-13 1954), for example, a Masjumi member, namely Kiai Mansjur, was assisted by Wardani, a resident of Sentolo, Haji Moh. Dimjati, Muntilan residents, Notosoedarmo (Wates Village chief), Hadisajadi (Assistant Staff Lieutenant Reg. I Bat. XIII), and Barodji (Wates State STP employee) were reported to be kidnapping and mugging prominent figures who supported the government (PNI, PKI, and others) in the region (Tirto, 23/04/2019).

In the midst of security disturbances, the 1955 election was successfully carried out by producing the PNI as the winning party for DPR members with 8,434,653 votes (22.32 percent) with 57 seats, followed by Masyumi with 7,903,886 votes (20.93 percent) or the equivalent of 57 seats. , NU with 6,955,141 votes (18.41 percent) or 45 seats, and the PKI with 6,179,914 votes (16.36 percent) or 39 seats. The rest of the parties get percentages below 3 percent (see table 1).

Table-1. Results of the 1955 Election for DPR Members

The results are not much different in the voters of the Constituent Assembly. PNI as the winning party with 9,070,218 votes (23.97 percent) with 119 seats, followed by Masyumi with 7,789,619 votes (20.59 percent) or the equivalent of 112 seats, NU with 6,989,333 votes (18.47 percent) or 91 seats, and PKI with 6,232,512 votes (16.47 percent) or 80 seats, and PSII with 1,059,922 votes (2.80 percent) or 16 seats. The rest of the parties get percentages below 3 percent (see table 2).

Table-2. 1955 Election Results for Constituent Members

At that time Soekarno was de facto appointed as president following a presidential decree in 1959. Based on the 1945 Constitution before the amendment, the President had a term of office of five years and was elected by the MPR through a majority vote in the voting by all members of the MPR. Meanwhile, through MPRS Decree No. III/MPRS/1963 Soekarno was appointed President for life. Although afterwards the decree was revoked by MPRS No. XVIII/MPRS/1966.

The constituent assembly that was elected through the 1955 election was tasked with drafting the Provisional 1950 Constitution. During the 1955 election, during its development, the constituent assembly often experienced deadlock, so that later a Presidential Decree appeared on July 5, 1959 which dissolved the constituent assembly and returned the Constitution to become the 1945 Constitution. This decree confirmed by acclamation by the DPR on July 22, 1959 (Kompas, 18/08/2020).

The loss of the 1960 election

The 1955 election results did not result in political stability. Many cabinets have fallen up and down and received no-confidence votes from the opposition. This can be seen from the short life of the cabinet which does not reach more than two and a half years. The Ali Sastroamidjojo II Cabinet only lasted 1 year, 24 March 1956 to 8 April 1957. The Djuanda Cabinet only lasted 3 months. In addition, there was a deadlock in discussing the replacement of the 1950 UUDS in the constituent assembly which led to the issuance of a presidential decree on July 5, 1959 (Kompas, 29/06/2020). The DPR resulting from the 1955 election was also disbanded after the DPR rejected the government's draft state budget (Detik, 13/03/2018). The 5 July 1959 decree marked Indonesia's return to the 1945 Constitution. The consequence of this decree was that there were no elections that should have been held in 1960. The 5 July 1959 decree was basically a transfer of power towards guided democracy and a portrait of the failure of the multi-party results of the 1955 election.

The next transition of power occurred after the events of September 30, 1965. The history of these events has many versions. According to the version of the New Order government, it was a rebellion initiated by the PKI, while in another version, it was a coup attempt, including the intervention of the United States (see: Roosa, J., 2008, Pretext for mass killings: The September 30th Movement and the Suharto coup. Nobodycorp.). One of the arguments also emphasizes the internal turmoil in Indonesia, after Sukarno's speech at the UN headquarters on September 30, 1960 with the title "To Build the World a New". Some argue that this was one of the reasons for Sukarno's coup.

This situation of bloody rebellion has led to political and security instability in the country, even after the events of the 30 September 1965 movement, instability still occurs. This prompted President Sukarno to sign a letter dated March 11, 1966 (later known as Supersemar) which gave instructions to the Commander of the Command for Operations for Security and Order (Pangkopkamtib) Lieutenant General Suharto to take actions deemed necessary in safeguarding the country (Tirto, 11 /03/2019). Later Suharto carried out a crawling coup by controlling the parliament which at that time rejected Sukarno's accountability report entitled Nawaksara which was presented on June 22, 1966. The crawling coup was a coup by Suharto against Sukarno which was carried out in stages. First, getting rid of its competitors in the Army. Second, dissolving the PKI which was the army's toughest rival at that time. Third, weaken the power of Sukarno's supporters by arresting 15 ministers loyal to Sukarno. Fourth, taking over power from Sukarno, in 1967 as acting president, and in 1968 as president) (LIPI, 04/02/2008). After Suharto came to power, the next elections were only held in 1971.

This election (1971 election) was widely criticized as a pseudo-election, given the existence of state instruments that regulate elections. Many officials from the Ministry of Home Affairs were deployed as election committees. Government networks were also used to give money to the public to vote for Golkar. The polling stations (TPS) were also heavily guarded by the police and military. Even though the 1971 election was an important momentum because it was still followed by quite a number of contestants: 9 political parties and 1 community organization. Participants in the election included the Catholic Party, the Nahdlatul Ulama Party (PNU), the Indonesian Islamic Syarikat Party (PSII), the Indonesian Christian Party, the Many People's Consultative Party (Murba), the Indonesian National Party (PNI), the PERTI Islamic Party, the Independence Support Association Party. Indonesia, and the Indonesian Muslim Party, plus the Karya Group (Golkar) as a community organization (Tirto, 12/04/2019). In 1973, or two years after the 1971 election, the MPR issued a GBHN decree which emphasized the importance of "similar" organizations to be merged (Tirto, 13/04/2019). This policy, which later became known as the 3-party fusion, namely simplifying the parties into three, the Indonesian Democratic Party, Golongan Karya, and the United Development Party. Through this political control, the New Order power machine could be perpetuated.

1955 Election Records

Perhaps the thing that can be an important note from the implementation of the 1955 election is how strong the 1955 election was with its ideological overtones. It cannot be denied that the early days of Indonesian independence were marked by many sharp ideological conflicts. In fact, the map of thought and ideological debates spans a wide range from radical nationalism, Javanese traditionalism, democratic socialism, to Islam. It is this hard ideological conflict that seems to have contributed to the very high voter turnout in the elections for members of the DPR and the Constituent Assembly.

In contrast to the current context, in the post-reform election or the last election (2019 election), high participation seems to have been driven more by populist political practices, including pushing for right or left populism. Sentiment towards competing individuals, which increases voter turnout. Of course this requires more adequate empirical evidence.

Second, what is perhaps important is the ideological differences manifested in various political parties. This difference then encourages the clarity of the position of political parties in public policy in parliament. This is what has become a weakness in the post-New Order elections, the lack of clarity on the position of political parties in policy. It is this ambiguity in the party's position that will indirectly reduce the quality of policy making, as well as weaken the quality of citizens' political representation in parliament.

Weaknesses in the implementation of the 1955 election were in the strength of political sects and conflict of interests so that in several cases it was colored by acts of kidnapping and killing of election administrators. Even though the impact of the existence of Declaration X led to the growth of new political parties, the fragmentation that emerged was large enough so that in the period after the physical revolution, the political system in Indonesia found it difficult to find a word of consensus on basic matters. This is reflected in the ups and downs of the Prime Minister, who has a short tenure so he does not have time to discuss matters of a national nature. Moreover, the record as the first election in Indonesia, of course there are many weaknesses considering that Indonesia is still looking for the appropriate form of political democracy institutions. However, in the midst of these deficiencies, the 1955 election was still recorded as the most democratic and successful election with a high level of voter turnout.

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