Abstract
This study discusses the influence of perceptions of economic inequality on public support for women’s representation in politics in Indonesia. The data used in this study uses survey data from Populi Center. The survey was conducted in June 2023 to 1200 respondents spread across 38 provinces throughout Indonesia. This study uses the independent variable of economic inequality, the dependent variable of women’s representation in politics and three control variables namely region of residence, education level and age group. The method used is quantitative method with binomial logistic regression analysis. The results show that the perception of high economic inequality reduces public support for women’s representation in politics. Likewise, people who live in rural areas, lower education levels and from non-millennial age groups also tend to be less supportive for women’s representation. The results of this study emphasise the importance of policies that can address economic inequality, especially in rural areas, to support women’s equality in Indonesia. This study also suggests further research on the relationship between economic inequality and women’s representation to overcome the limitations of the findings of this study.
Introduction
The issue of economic inequality is a major problem facing Indonesia today. According to the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS), the level of expenditure inequality is measured using the Gini Ratio. Currently, the Gini Ratio stands at 0,388, showing an increase of around 0,007 points compared to September 2022 (0,381). The data shows that the level of economic inequality in Indonesia has continued to increase in recent times. This increase in economic inequality also illustrates that there is an extreme income gap between the rich and poor in Indonesia. According to BPS data, the richest 20 percent of households control more than 45 percent of total national income, compared to the poorest 20 per cent of households who control only 6 per cent of total national income.
The impact of economic inequality also extends to women’s representation in politics. Women as a group who have always experienced discrimination in accessing economic and social resources, feel the impact regarding access to education, health and employment opportunities. When women try to enjoy political access that has been given by the state, women do not have the same capabilities as men, for example to campaign and be involved in policy making. Economic inequality for women is more pronounced than for men because women are positioned as individuals who do not need to be highly educated because they will serve their husbands and take care of children. Therefore, it is often difficult for women to access politics, not only because they do not have sufficient educational and economic provisions, but also because the political arena seems very masculine.
One of the impacts of economic inequality on women’s representation can be seen in the very slow rate of women’s representation in parliament. Every country in the world implements quota policies with different percentages. However, UN Women encourages countries to target half the population (50 percent) to be filled by women at the legislative level. This target is certainly still far from expectations, as data reported by the Inter- Parliamentary Union (IPU) shows that in 2019, countries in Southeast Asia showed a low percentage. Women’s representation in Indonesia only reached 21,9 percent, still far from the expected target. Similarly, neighbouring countries such as Vietnam with 30,3 percent female representation in 2021 and the Philippines with 27.3 percent in 2022. In Indonesia, the affirmative action policy that has been implemented since 2004 has indeed increased, but its achievements have not yet reached the predetermined target of 30 percent women’s representation in parliament.
Various obstacles such as economic inequality, social and other political structural barriers are the reasons why the implementation of this quota policy is very difficult to achieve. Survey data from the Populi Center (2023) states that economic inequality in Indonesia is very high. The survey results illustrate that 65 percent of Indonesians agree that there is inequality between the rich and the poor. However, on the other hand, the perception of the Indonesian people is very positive in providing support for women’s representation. As many as 74 per cent of people stated that they support increasing women’s representation in parliament. As found in a study conducted by (Moreno-Bella et al., 2023) although people support women’s equality in politics, high economic inequality reduces the perception of togetherness (communal) between men and women. The condition of economic inequality causes people’s expectations of men and women to be very unequal, men are expected to be agentic or independent individuals and able to be involved in decision-making, while women are expected to be communal individuals or not independent and unable to be involved in decision-making. From these findings, it can be concluded that economic inequality has a negative impact on individual perceptions to give a big push towards women’s equality in politics.
This study aims to examine how public perceptions of economic inequality can influence public support for women’s representation in politics in Indonesia. In addition to linking economic variables and women’s representation, the analysis is also complemented with other variables such as education level, region of residence, and age group, to find the most likely factors related to which variables are most influential. This research is expected to provide an overview of the relationship between economic conditions and social and political dynamics in Indonesia. The data used comes from a Populi Center survey conducted in June 2023, with geographical coverage of 38 provinces in Indonesia. The survey was conducted by face-to-face interviews with a total of 1200 observations. Data analysis was conducted using binomial regression models to see the relationship between economic variables, education, region of residence, and age towards support for women’s representation in politics.
The main hypothesis of this study is that public perception of economic inequality will negatively impact public support for women’s representation in politics. This is similar to the findings of previous research which states that public perception of inequality between the rich and the poor causes women to be perceived as communal individuals and lack leadership capabilities. Likewise, other factors such as education and place of residence can have an impact on public support for women’s representation. For example, people with higher education are more likely to support representation because they are more educated, although they may also feel economic inequality. Likewise, people in rural areas are less likely to support women’s representation, as they have conservative views on gender equality due to living in homogeneous areas.
This research broadly attempts to answer the question “Why do perceptions of economic inequality affect public support for women’s representation in Indonesian politics?”. To answer this big question, the discussion in this paper will be divided into seven sections, namely first, the introduction section which discusses the introduction to the contents of the paper. The second section will discuss the literature review that contains a discussion of a number of literatures that have been conducted by previous studies on economic inequality, women’s representation, the relationship between economic inequality and gender issues and research gaps. Third, the theoretical framework used in this study. Fourth, methodology regarding research design, data sources, data collection techniques, variables and measurement methods, and data analysis techniques. Fifth, discussion of research results regarding the description of findings and data visualisation. Sixth, contains a discussion of the interpretation of the findings, how the implications of the findings for the existing literature, the implications of the findings for policy and the limitations of the study. Seventh, contains a discussion of conclusions and suggestions.
Literature Review
Economic inequality affects social and political stability, especially causing slow economic growth in developing countries (Smith, 2018). Smith’s findings show that countries with high economic inequality experience significant political instability, which has a long-term impact on economic growth. Not only does economic inequality affect economic conditions in developing countries, it also has a significant impact on changes in income distribution in developed countries. Changes in income distribution in developed countries lead to economic inequality, which in turn reduces investment in human capital and innovation (Galbraith & Hale, 2008).
Economic inequality is one of the most avoidable factors as it causes a country to fall into poverty. High economic inequality negatively impacts social inequality and hinders social mobility (Jones & Brown, 2019). Opportunities for individuals to improve their economic capacity are hindered, making individuals more likely to fall into extreme poverty. To mitigate the significant impact especially for developing countries, as weak economic growth tends to be found in these countries, redistributive and inclusive policy solutions are needed to address poverty and long-term economic growth. Countries with high income inequality should project policies on education and health investments, so that superior resources can drive innovation for better economic recovery (Miller, 2021). Investment in human capital, innovation, and accelerated social stability can contribute positively to economic growth (Caroli and Penalosa, 1999).
Economic inequality leads to low access to quality education and health services, both of which are critical for long-term economic development (Clark, 2016). High economic inequality means that the poor do not have as good access to education as the rich, especially in areas with uneven levels of development, where the educational facilities that people can access will not be as good as people living in areas with more equitable public facilities. Inclusiveness is the main factor that is most emphasised in situations where the country experiences a high gap between the rich and the poor. The problems of economic growth, poverty and inequality are interrelated and can occur simultaneously, requiring synergistic policies for all three problems (Bourguignon, 2004).
One of the causes of economic inequality can be seen in how monetary policy is implemented in a country. Inappropriate monetary policy can worsen a country’s economic situation, for example, if the government implements a policy that is too loose, it will increase the risk of inflation, which in turn will lead to lower incomes compared to higher-income groups. A study conducted by Anderson (2020) found that monetary policy that focuses too much on price stability and employment is one of the solutions to address economic inequality. This solution is needed especially when there is instability in low employment opportunities. The wrong monetary policy will negatively impact income inequality, such as inflation and unemployment (Coibion et al., 2017).
There is a debate on the pros and cons of the impact of the economy on economic efficiency, politics, and social stability. A study shows that high inequality reduces people’s trust in the government, which results in political instability and economic stability. The impact of economic inequality on politics results in a lack of public participation in the political process, which is a key prerequisite for the development of a healthy democracy (Thompson, 1996). Economic inequality poses a threat not only to social life, but also to politics, as it has the same adverse impact on democratic and economic development (Stiglitz, 2012).
One form of strengthening democracy is by implementing policies that provide representation to women. Women’s representation is very important for the creation of policies that are inclusive and in favour of alleviating women’s issues (Phillips, 2019). The presence of women in politics helps formulate policies that respond to conditions such as women’s marginalisation, reproductive rights, sexual violence, and economic equality for women. Phillips’ study also emphasises that women’s high political participation has an impact on improving gender equality in various sectors. One of the efforts that can be made in order to increase women’s representation is to implement affirmative action policies through quota policies. The implementation of gender quota policies has an impact on women’s representation at the legislative level in various countries, the successful implementation of this policy creates a more inclusive policy (Aili Mari Tripp & Kang, 2008).
Women’s issues in the global context are still prevalent and women’s initiatives are very important. Greater attention to inclusive and gender-sensitive issues is the main factor why the effectiveness of gender quotas is important. The impact of women’s representation in various countries shows a positive impact on the creation of policies that are able to answer women’s crucial issues (Krook, 2010). Many countries have implemented gender quota policies in their respective parliaments, but their achievements show very slow progress. In implementing gender quota policies, there are structural and social barriers that require effective solutions to increase women’s representation in politics (Dahlerup, 2018). The issue of women’s representation is a crucial factor for the creation of a healthy democracy and a balanced government.
Women’s representation is also not only needed in the legislative arena. A number of studies have indeed stated that gender quotas are the main tool for increasing women’s representation (Krook, 2020). However, women’s presence in politics is also needed at the legislative level. After these women are elected in general elections as members of the legislature, of course the public’s hope is that they will make policies that support women’s issues. The importance of the representation of women’s presence in leadership as Ministers, Governors, Regents is no less important because they can also propose policy initiatives and become important actors to implement the policies that have been made. The implementation of pro-women policies will be more effective if carried out by women themselves because they can represent their way of thinking and life experiences. Economic inequality and women’s representation are certainly interrelated. Economic inequality has a negative impact on gender discrimination due to the lack of opportunities for women to participate in economic and political activities (Seguino, 2000).Countries with high economic inequality tend to have large gender gaps in education and employment. Low access to education and the economy for women also has a direct impact on low economic growth, especially in developing countries (Seguino, 2000). The inclusiveness of a country is not only needed in education and economics, but also in politics requires diverse views with the presence of women. Especially when women are the most affected group due to low economic growth.
Income inequality is linked to gender gaps in education and employment. Women’s economic well-being is particularly important as women are not positioned as the breadwinners in the family. When the government is trying to find a solution to income inequality, women’s income inequality is also a crucial factor that must be considered (Blau & Kahn, 2017). Investing in gender equality also equally contributes to positive economic growth. The relationship between women’s equality and economic growth is linear, as investments in both aspects contribute to an inclusive and innovative economy (Kabeer & Natali, 2013).
In developing countries, economic inequality automatically has a negative impact on women’s representation. Economic inequality worsens gender equality due to women’s lack of participation in the economy. Economic inequality leads to women’s low access to economic resources and opportunities, which are crucial for enhancing women’s capabilities as political leaders (Gonzales and Rodriguez, 2018). Countries with higher political representation of women tend to have laws that are more inclusive and encourage women’s economic participation. The report emphasises the importance of gender diversity in political decision-making processes to achieve equality and economic growth (WPL (Women Political Leaders)., 2023). Women’s empowerment can contribute to economic development and how gender inequality and its impact on a country’s economic progress (Duflo, 2012).
From some of the literature mentioned above regarding economic inequality and women’s representation, there are several research gaps that have not been answered by previous studies so that this research is expected to make a useful contribution practically and academically. Firstly, many studies suggest that there is a relationship between economic inequality and women’s equality, but few studies explain how a clear cause-and-effect relationship exists. This research is particularly useful for identifying factors, such as education, region of residence, and age, that may influence the relationship between the two. Secondly, there have been many studies on the relationship between economic inequality and gender in a global context, but for a more specific context, especially in Indonesia as one of the developing countries in Southeast Asia, this research is very useful to make a positive contribution as input for the government in policy making.
Theoretical Framework
To analyse the relationship between economic inequality and women’s representation, the most relevant theoretical framework is the intersectionality theory. This theory was first introduced by Kimberle Crenshaw in the 1980s. Intersectionality theory describes how different social identities such as race, gender and social class interact and create unique experiences of oppression or privilege. According to Crenshaw, intersectionality provides a comprehensive analytical tool to discuss power dynamics and the complexity of inequalities experienced by women. Intersectionality theory allows for in-depth analyses of the relationship between economics and other aspects (education, region of residence, age) that simultaneously influence support for women’s political representation.
This analysis is multidisciplinary because it can explain the diversity of women’s economic backgrounds that ultimately cause them to feel diverse impacts in accessing political representation. The fundamental understanding of intersectionality theory is the emphasis on the importance of understanding structural inequality, which is a crucial factor, including other inequality interactions that have an impact on worsening discrimination and social exclusion (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016). The discussion of intersectionality cannot be separated from the social and political contexts in which individuals have different opportunities to participate (Cho et al., 2013). Therefore, this framework is highly relevant to the issue of economic inequality in Indonesia and how it affects women from different backgrounds in accessing politics.
Gender discrimination can be exacerbated when referring to economic inequality, for example for women from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Political and economic resources create additional barriers that further exacerbate discrimination against women (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016). For example, women from economically poor families may find it difficult to obtain political education and campaign to the public, which discourages women from engaging in politics. Inadequate resources to engage in politics mean that women do not have enough ammunition to compete with men, whose financial situation may be better than women’s (Kabeer & Natali, 2013). Moreover, even to win the competition, low economic resources cause women to have weaknesses in social and political networks (Smooth, 2011). These relationships are crucial for seeking political support for key victories.
Other factors such as education, residence and age group are similarly responsible for support for women’s representation. A more educated society has a more open perspective to release the shackles of inequality. Education functions as an empowering medium for women to access and challenge structures of inequality (Hill Collins, 2002). In addition to education, the openness of people’s way of thinking is influenced by living conditions and age groups. The assumption is that those who live in urban areas have greater access to political resources than those who live in rural areas. Likewise with age groups, younger people may be more open-minded than older people. Education, social and economic status impact the level of political participation (Verba et al., 1995). Supporting women requires politically active individuals. While individuals who have a good economic level have access to good education, the opening of political awareness occurs in the realm of education, diversity of residence and the opening of thinking paradigms.
Methodology
The research used data sources from the Populi Center Survey conducted in June 2023. The survey was conducted in 38 provinces spread throughout Indonesia. Data collection was done by direct face-to-face interview method. The number of respondents in this survey was 1200 respondents, with a proportion of 600 male respondents and 600 female respondents. The research design uses a quantitative approach to answer the relationship between each variable. The data analysis technique used binomial logistic regression. Binomial logistic regression is used to model the relationship between a binary dependent variable and one or more independent variables. This regression estimates the probability that an event falls into a particular category (Peng et al., 2002). The quantitative research method with regression analysis is a very relevant method to measure exactly how the precision between each variable has an interrelated relationship. Although this method has a number of limitations, especially regarding its ability to read the context of the problem in depth and specifically, the data generated by using a large number of observations can illustrate important patterns related to finding answers to what factors contribute importantly to the low support for women’s political representation.
The independent variable in this study is “economic inequality”. The measurement method for this variable uses the survey question “In your opinion, what is the condition of economic inequality between the rich and poor in Indonesia so far?”. The answer scale uses two options, namely “There is Economic Inequality” and “There is No Economic Inequality”. In the dependent variable, the variable used is “Women’s Representation”. The measurement method for this variable uses the question “Do you agree or disagree with the statement that currently there are equal opportunities between men and women in terms of political representation?”. The answer scale uses two options, namely “Agree” and “Disagree”. In addition to the two independent and dependent variables, this study also uses control variables to identify support between variables. Whether the presence of these control variables will increase the relationship between variables or not. There are three control variables, namely education, region of residence and age. The education variable is measured using four indicators, namely (Elementary Education, Junior High School, Senior High School and University). Meanwhile, the area of residence uses two measurements, namely (Rural and Urban). Finally, for age, the measurement scale uses two age groups (millennial and non- millennial).
Research Findings
The findings of the binomial logistic regression analysis using the variables of economic inequality, region of residence, education level and age group are explained below. These four variables were analysed to see their influence on support for women’s representation in politics. The regression analysis used two models. In Model 1, the independent variable used was economic inequality, while the control variables were region of residence and education level. In Model 2, the variables used are the same as in Model 1 but the control variable of age group is added. The objective is to see whether the correlation between the variables is different when other variables are added.
Model 1
In model 1, the results show that the intercept has a coefficient value of (-0.57) with a significance below 0.0001, meaning that in the baseline condition without any influence from the independent variables, there is a significant relationship with women’s representation in politics. The first finding from Model 1 shows that there is significance between economic inequality represented by the Economy Unequal variable and women’s representation. The coefficient is -0.34 with a p value of 0.02. The result shows that the negative coefficient illustrates that the higher people’s perception of economic inequality will reduce their support for women’s representation in politics. The second finding of the area of residence variable shows that the Rural Area variable does not show significance, with a p-value of 0.08. The p-value does not reach 5 per cent, but it is quite close to 0.05, which means that it can be interpreted that people who live in rural areas also have a perceptual tendency to reduce support for women’s representation. Because the coefficient shows a negative number (- 0.24).
The third finding is in the education variable, none of the education levels reached the 5% significance level. However, the Junior High School and Senior High School levels both obtained a p value of 0.09. This figure is not statistically significant, but it can be interpreted as close to significant because it is close to 0.05. It can be concluded that individuals who are at a low level of education or below university tend to be less supportive of women’s representation in politics because the coefficient shows a negative number, namely -0.33 at the junior high school education level and -0.28 at the senior high school education level. Meanwhile, at the higher education level, namely university, it does not show a significant influence on women’s representation in politics. This means that the initial assumption that exposure to good education makes people more politically open is not proven in this study.
Model 2
In model 2, there are additional control variables for analysis. The intercept of -0.32 with a p value of 0.09 indicates that there is no significance, serving as a baseline for reading the data on other variables. The first finding on the economic inequality variable remains consistent as in model 1, with a p value of 0.02. The negative coefficient of -0.32 indicates that people’s perception of economic inequality affects their perspective to reduce support for women’s representation in politics. Then the second finding regarding the Area variable shows a number that is close to significant, with a p value of 0.06. This figure is slightly different from the results shown in model 1, meaning that the addition of the age group variable has an effect on the relationship. The coefficient of Are Rural is -0.27 which shows that people who live in rural areas tend to have a perception of reducing their support for women’s representation in politics.
The third finding is the level of education, at the junior high school and senior high school levels in model two shows significance with a p value of 0.05 and 0.03. Both get significance at the 5% level. This result is different from model 1, meaning that the addition of age group variables can encourage the relationship between education level and women’s representation to be stronger. Although the results are negative, the coefficients of -0.39 at the junior high school level and 0.37 at the high school level indicate a relationship that tends to reduce the support of low education levels for women’s representation in politics. Likewise, the university education level does not show the same significance as in model 1.
The fifth finding, namely the age group variable, shows that the Non-Millennial age group gets a p value of 0.05 with a negative coefficient of -0.29. It can be concluded that individuals who come from older groups tend to be less supportive of women’s representation in politics. This finding is crucial, suggesting that perhaps older generations are more conservative-minded towards women’s equality. Although the millennial group did not show any results in this study, the assumption is that the millennial group is more likely to support women’s equality because younger age groups are more open-minded to the development of new values, especially regarding gender equality.
Discussion
The results of the binomial logistic regression model analysis illustrate that several variables show a level of significance and tend to reduce support for women’s representation in politics. In the first variable, economic inequality, we can see in the regression results between the first model and the second model, economic inequality is the variable with the most consistent significance. Both show negative coefficient results. This means that the higher people’s perception of economic inequality, the more they will tend to reduce their support for women’s representation. This data illustrates that people may prioritise economic issues as a more pressing problem to be resolved by the government than the issue of women’s equality. People do not see the urgency of alleviating economic inequality as a crucial issue to be addressed at this time.
The second finding, namely the area of residence, also illustrates a consistent trend of significance between model one and model two. Although the level of significance seems to vary, both results can be concluded that people who live in rural areas choose to reduce their support for women’s representation, when compared to people who live in urban areas. Differences in region of residence are associated with individuals’ varying ease of access to resources and educational opportunities (Jones, 2016). People who live in traditional areas have normative barriers that limit their way of thinking. Similarly, access to information may be more progressive for people living in urban areas.
The third finding is about education level. Of the four levels of education (primary, junior secondary, senior secondary and university), only two variables show a near significant relationship (model one) and a significant relationship (model two). These two variables are at the low education level or below university, namely junior high school and senior high school. Similar to the economic inequality variable, the education variable also shows a negative relationship, meaning that people with junior and senior secondary education tend not to support women’s equality in politics. There is still a possibility regarding the assumed role of education at a higher level or university on increasing public awareness to support gender equality issues, but this data does not appear in the regression and requires further study. As several studies have shown, higher education is associated with increased public participation, including support for progressive issues (Verba et al., 1995).
The fourth finding is regarding the age group variable, the results of the analysis show that the non-millennial generation has a tendency to be less supportive of women’s representation in politics. The regression results do not show any data on how younger groups perceive women’s representation, but a number of studies suggest that millennials are more likely to push progressive issues (Twenge, 2017). Older generations have a more conservative way of thinking about supporting gender equality, while millennials are more open about gender equality. Age differences in political perceptions reflect shifting social and cultural values, with younger generations tending to accept liberalisation that presupposes women’s equal rights in politics (Inglehart & Norris, 2003). In addition, the younger generation’s easier access to education along with technological developments makes them more open-minded to new issues. Education becomes cultural capital for the community to increase political awareness (Bourdieu, 1984).
The results of the findings presented above provide several important policy implications. Firstly, policy-making that is projected to address economic inequality has two positive impacts: not only does it help address economic distribution, but it will also help improve people’s perceptions of support for gender equality. In particular, the creation of programmes that aim to address inequalities in economic and educational access in rural areas can contribute most positively to improving people’s political awareness. For example, policies created by the government to expand access to higher education scholarships and skills training in rural areas can help improve people’s perception of supporting gender equality (World Bank, 2018).
In addition, political campaigns that focus on improving women’s equality should reach a wide range of age groups, especially the older generation and those with lower educational backgrounds. The high age gap makes the way of thinking and communication between the older and younger generations will be different. The younger generation will get the relay of power from the older group, it is time for these two generations to find a balanced frequency of political thinking. Campaigns on equality issues should be packaged in a way that makes the younger generation also interested in supporting women to be actively involved in politics.
In addition, for women themselves, the government also needs to make inclusive policies to reduce the economic inequality experienced by women. Women need financial resources for campaign funding. Increasing women’s participation needs to be balanced with empowerment programmes from the government in the form of affirmative policies. So far, affirmative policies have only been limited to the implementation of gender quotas in parliament. Economic empowerment or financial assistance for women who have the potential to become politicians can be an alternative solution from the government to support gender equality.
From several explanations of the findings and justifications for policy implications that have been explained above. We realise that this research still has many limitations. For example, the data we use is survey data, the answers given by respondents are perceptions that may have many biases such as respondents’ limited understanding of the questions. Then, this data also only uses a few control variables, which may be many other variables that actually affect support for women’s equality that are not read in this study. This data is also cross-sectional in nature which is only collected at one time. Limitations in reading the data in drawing causal conclusions are also bound to occur. To deepen the analysis, a longitudinal study should be conducted to observe changes in public perceptions over time towards support for women’s representation to obtain more in-depth results. Finally, this study also focuses on the Indonesian context, so its findings may not be generalisable to other countries with diverse social, economic and political conditions. A comparative study using similar conditions of economic inequality could provide a more comprehensive analysis.
Conclusion
This study examines how people’s perceptions of economic inequality affect support for women’s representation in Indonesian politics. The results of the binomial logistic regression analysis illustrate that low public support for women’s equality is influenced by economic inequality, residence in rural areas, secondary education level and above, and non-millennial age group. This research makes an important contribution to the understanding of social and political dynamics in Indonesia. The findings suggest the importance of economic policy as an initial solution to the problem of women’s equality in politics. The government needs to intervene more effectively to solve these two crucial problems, namely the economy and gender equality. Another suggestion for scientific development is that further studies are needed on the relationship between economic inequality and gender equality, given that this study has many limitations. Studies with qualitative methods, exploration of other variables and a wider timeframe will make a more valuable contribution to the study of economic equality and women’s representation.
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