![\"Mohammad_Hatta_1950-2\"](\"https:\/\/populicenter.org\/gagasan\/esai\/wapres\/files\/mohammad_hatta_1950-2.jpg\")
Mohammad Hatta. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n
After the crushing of the PKI rebellion in Madiun, then the Hatta Cabinet was hampered again by the Dutch military aggression II. Where at that time Indonesian leaders, such as Soekarno, Moh. Hatta, Sutan Syahrir and Agus Salim were arrested and exiled by the Dutch to areas outside Java. Soekarno and Moh. Hatta held a meeting and gave a mandate to Syafruddin Prawiranegara, who at that time served as Minister of Welfare, to form an interim government. Hearing that the capital was paralyzed and a number of figures were arrested, Syafruddin Prawiranegara with Col. Hidayat, commander of the army and territory of Sumatra visited Teuku Mohammad Haasan, Governor of Sumatra at his residence to hold negotiations. Then they headed straight for Halaban, a tea plantation which is 15 kilometers south of Payakumbuh City. There they held a meeting with a number of figures on December 22, 1948. Then they formed the PDRI, since then PDRI has become the number one enemy of the Netherlands and PDRI figures are being hunted by the Dutch. PDRI took place from 22 December 1948 to 13 July 1949. The PDRI government system was in West Sumatra. Because after the capital city of Yogyakarta was paralyzed and a number of figures were arrested, Indonesia experienced a government vacuum (kompas.com, 08\/03\/2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The existence of the Second Dutch Military Aggression to the arrest of the Indonesian leader received a strong reaction from the international world, especially from the United States and several foreign countries that were members of the Asian Conference who asked the United Nations to be firm with the Dutch actions. Then the United Nations issued a resolution on January 28, 1949 which contained an end to the ceasefire, the release of the Indonesian leadership and the return of Yogyakarta to the lap of the Republic of Indonesia and immediately held further negotiations to discuss state sovereignty. The UN resolution made the Dutch position even more desperate and agreed to the resolution. The Dutch-Indonesian negotiations were realized with the Roem Royen negotiations on May 7, 1949. After the city of Yogyakarta returned to the Republic of Indonesia's lap and Syafruddin Prawiranegara returned government to the president, a new round began to elect a new prime minister. The government was handed over to Mohammad Hatta (Kasirun, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The Hatta II Cabinet was formed on August 4, 1949 chaired by Mohammad Hatta who also served as prime minister. On November 2, 1949 the KMB was officially closed. And all Indonesian territory was surrendered by the Dutch except for West Irian. Then the status of the Residency of Irian (Niew Guineo) remains in force, while it is determined that within a year after the date of transfer of sovereignty to the United States of Indonesia, the issue of the constitutional status of Irian will be resolved through negotiations between the Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands. This cabinet succeeded in achieving the restoration of sovereignty over the territory of the Indonesian state from the hands of the Netherlands. December 19, 1949 RI changed to RIS. So the Hatta II Cabinet was automatically dismissed and it did not mean that there was a split in the cabinet or opposition from the opposition party causing a motion of no confidence but because of a change in the government structure that required cabinet reform (Kasirun, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
During the reign of the Hatta III Cabinet, the Indonesian government could be said to be better and could bring major changes to the Indonesian government system. During his third reign, Mohammad Hatta had to overcome several problems. The two international problems that had to be faced were how to control the middle flow between the United States and the Soviet Union, and how to persuade the Netherlands to give up West Irian. While the status of the Union between RIS and the Kingdom of the Netherlands is a separate problem that is still a burden in the administration of government. Mohammad Hatta must determine Indonesia's position in the international world which is divided into two blocs. Mohammad Hatta suggested a non-aligned movement through a free and active foreign policy (Kasirun, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX (1973 \u2013 1978)<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
When Soekarno and Hatta proclaimed independence on August 17, 1945, afterwards Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono congratulated the proclaimer. Two weeks later, on September 5, 1945 to be precise, he and Paku Alam VIII, issued an edict stating that the Yogyakarta area was part of the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX's role in the republic was also demonstrated through financial support. As long as the republican government was in Yogyakarta, all funding matters were taken from the palace treasury. This includes the salaries of the President, Vice President, staff, TNI operations to travel and accommodation costs for delegations sent abroad (Kratonjogja.id, tt).
Along the journey of the Republic of Indonesia as a state, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX has devoted himself in various positions. Apart from being a freedom fighter, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX was listed as Minister of State from the Syahrir Cabinet era (2 October 1946 \u2013 27 June 1947) to the Hatta Cabinet I (29 January 1948 to 4 August 1949). During the Hatta II cabinet (4 August 1949 to 20 December 1949) until the RIS period (20 December 1949 to 6 September 1950) he served as Minister of Defense, as well as Deputy Prime Minister in the Natsir Cabinet era (6 September 1950 to 27 April 1951 ). He continued to hold various positions in each period until in 1973 he became the second Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia (Kratonjogja.id, tt).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
After President Soekarno's term ended, Suharto, Adam Malik, and Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX became an important trinity during the early period of the regime that would later be named the New Order. Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX became vice president in 1973. Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX was sworn in on 23 March 1973 by the MPR. At that time, the Indonesian economy was still crawling. During difficult economic times at the beginning of the New Order government, as written by Sutrisno Kuntoyo in Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX: History and Struggle (1996), Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX often came to the Department of Plantations led by Frans Seda on Jalan Imam Bonjol. At that time Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX held the position of Coordinating Minister of Economics, Finance and Industry (Menko Ekuin) in the Ampera cabinet. In 1967, the Foreign Investment Law (PMA) was passed. As the name implies, this law was designed to invite foreign investors to Indonesia (tirto.id, 11\/03\/2019). By 1966, the government's debt had piled up. The cost of principal repayments and interest alone is US$ 530 million. From buying weapons from the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia, there is also a debt of US$ 2.4 billion. Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX played a major role in debt negotiations and efforts to attract investment during the early days of the New Order (detik.com, 12\/08\/2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n The position of vice president given to Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX did not cover ABRI's dominance in political life. Non-military positions are still filled by soldiers. The position of Vice President is indeed Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, but the highest authority remains in the hands of the president, namely Suharto. In the writings of John Monfries in A Prince of Republic (2016), Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX as Vice President received little responsibility and no power. The position of vice president during the New Order was not as good as Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX had thought. On the eve of the 1977 election, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX refused Suharto's proposal to return to accompany him in the next period (tirto.id, 11\/03\/2019). Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX refused to be re-elected as Vice President. In front of the MPR General Session on March 12, 1978, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono explained his refusal to be re-elected as Vice President for the 1978-1983 period accompanying President Soeharto (detik.com, 12\/08\/2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n Adam Malik is a figure who pioneered the formation of ASEAN in 1967. He was even entrusted with becoming Chair of the 26th UN General Assembly in New York. He is the second Asian to chair the highest body in the world. In 1977, he was elected chairman of the DPR\/MPR. Then three months later, in the General Session of the MPR in March 1978 he was elected as the 3rd Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia to replace Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX who suddenly stated that he was not willing to be nominated again (pemkomedan.go.id, 07\/01\/2014). Suharto appointed him as Deputy President of the Republic of Indonesia for the 1978-1983 term or in the Development Cabinet III. Adam Malik contributed to the development of the nation and state as well as experiencing the glory days of the New Order at that time (tirto.id, 22\/07\/2018). Adam Malik realizes that his position as Vice President is the second highest position in this republic, but in constitutional constitutional principles, vice president is an honorary position that has no executive power. Even so, continued Arwan quoting Adam Malik's answer to Tempo (1 April 1978 edition), he did not want to just become a stamp. During his five years accompanying Suharto, Adam Malik never had a different opinion. Adam Malik was probably annoyed with the situation in Indonesia at that time. The jargon that he often uttered at that time was "everything can be arranged", a statement that seemed diplomatic because he was a diplomat. However, perhaps this is a satire on everything in this country that can be managed with money, even though Adam Malik also seems to be playing it safe because of his status as a high-ranking state official (tirto.id, 22\/07\/2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n After Suharto was accompanied by Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX (1973-1978) and Adam Malik (1978-1983) who incidentally were Vice President (Wapres) from civilian circles, in 1983 Suharto was accompanied by Umar Wirahadikusumah, the Vice President who came from military circles. When the 1965 G30S broke out, Umar was one of the army generals who was not kidnapped. Like Suharto, Umar also had an important position. Umar's military career path was also somewhat similar to Suharto's. In Indonesian military history, Umar was the first Sundanese to ever become number one in the Army. Like most Indonesian Vice Presidents during the New Order era, Umar Wirahadikusumah was involved in the revolution as a Batch of 45. When Adam Malik ceased to be Vice President after 1983, Umar was mentioned as a strong candidate to replace him. Harry Fatty Janarto in Karlinah Umar Wirahadikusumah: Not Just a Soldier's Wife (156), mentions that Umar's potential to become vice president is none other than because Umar became someone close to Suharto when the G30S erupted. Umar's appointment as vice president was seen as a return for Soeharto's kindness. At that time, Umar was serving as chairman of the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK). BPK chairman is not a prestigious position for a general. This position is often filled by generals who are considered "outcasts" (tirto.id, 13\/03\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n There were several candidates for Vice President at that time, namely Adam Malik, M Jusuf, Amir Machmud, and Maraden Panggabean. In his candidacy, Umar was supported by factions in the DPR, starting from the Development Work (Golkar), the Development Association (PPP), Indonesian Democracy (PDI), ABRI, and Regional Representatives. At that time, Golkar was the strongest party among the others. Golkar's support was significant, and is usually seen as Suharto's as well. Umar was appointed as Vice President on a day that was sacred to the New Order, namely Friday, March 11, 1983. During Umar's time as Vice President, Suharto wanted his government to be strong. In 1980, Suharto had problems with several retired generals and critical civilian figures known as Petisi 50 figures. So Suharto began to show a government with a military face. Even though Umar was a retired general, he did not have a large following in the active military circles at the time. Even though he was once the number one person in the Army, Umar was no longer a strongman in the military in the 1980s. Moreover, Umar had been in BPK for a decade. So Umar was considered not to endanger Suharto's power. (tirto.id, 13\/03\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n TNI Lieutenant General (Purn.) Sudharmono was born in Gresik, East Java, on March 12, 1927. History records that Sudharmono was the 5th Vice President (Wapres) of the Republic of Indonesia and became one of Suharto's confidants when the New Order was still victorious. Sudharmono's closeness to Suharto grew closer after the 1965 September 30 Movement (G30S) which killed a number of high-ranking Army officers. When Suharto received the Order for March 11, 1966 or Supersemar, which later became controversial, Sudharmono was the one who copied the magic letter. The regime change from the Old Order to the New Order was like a blessing for Sudharmono. He had served as Minister of State Secretary, Minister of Home Affairs, Chairman of Golkar, until he was appointed by Suharto, who at that time was already in power as president, to accompany him as Vice President (tirto.id, 12\/03\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sudharmono has his own unique story, as do most other vice presidents. If Adam Malik had links with Murba, then Sudharmono has links with the Indonesian Socialist Youth (Pesindo), which later became the People's Youth (PR) which is close to the Indonesian Communist Party. So when there was news that Suharto would choose Sudharmono, who at that time was the general chairman of Golkar, to become vice president, many refused. Those who rejected Sudharmono's position as Vice President alleged that Sudharmono had been involved with the PKI. Not a single Vice President of Indonesia has ever been accused by the PKI other than Sudharmono. PESINDO is certainly different from Pemuda Rakyat, and even if Sudharmono joined during the revolutionary era, it does not mean that Sudharmono was a PKI as he was accused of. Sudharmono is that the PKI has never been proven (tirto.id, 14\/03\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n The election of Sudharmono as Vice President was inseparable from his success in leading the Golongan Karya DPP. During his leadership period, this party increasingly dominated Indonesian politics by winning 72 percent of the vote in the 1997 election. Sudharmono was elected chairman of the Golkar DPP for the 1983-1988 period at the III National Congress of the Golongan Karya (Golkar), October 1983 replacing Amir Moertono. Sudharmono is Pak Harto's confidant. He accompanied President Soeharto for a very long time as State Secretary, who later became Minister of State Secretary, entrusted to him from 1970 to 1988, until finally becoming Vice President. After not being active in the government, Sudharmono still remained loyal to working with Pak Harto. He is entrusted with coordinating the seven foundations founded by Pak Harto, namely Dharmais, Supersemar, Dakap, Damandiri, Amal Bhakti Muslim Pancasila, Mutual Cooperation, and Trikora. During his period as Vice President, Sudharmono issued a policy to form Tromol Pos 5000 as a means of community oversight. In addition, Sudharmono started working visits by the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia to each Province, as well as to Ministries, State Offices and Non-Governmental Departments (merdeka.com, tt).<\/p>\n\n\n\n Entering 1993, Suharto was preparing to elect a new vice president. There are at least two names of candidates, namely Baharudin Jusuf Habibie and Try Sutrisno. The first name is a technocrat who specializes in making planes, and chairman of the newly formed Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI). At that time Suharto was intimate with Islamic groups. Meanwhile, the second name is a general who is currently the Commander in Chief of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), as well as Suharto's former adjutant. When the Tanjung Priok Incident erupted in 1984, Try was the Commander of KODAM Jaya. Even though he stumbled over the Tanjung Priok case which killed hundreds of people, Try's fate was not as bad as Sintong Panjaitan, the former Commander of the Udayana Military Command during the Santa Cruz Incident. According to Jusuf Wanandi's note in Unraveling the Veil of the New Order: Indonesian Political Memoirs 1965-1998 (2014), Try Sutrisno's career was saved by Suharto and Moerdani. Even though he was already friendly with Islamic groups, it turned out that Suharto could not just turn away from ABRI. Finally Try Sutrisno was elected as Vice President in 1983 (tirto.id, 15\/03\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n After nearly 20 years of studying and working in Germany, Habibie was summoned by the 2nd President of the Republic of Indonesia, Soeharto, to return to Indonesia in 1973. At that time, Suharto considered that Habibie could give a new touch to the development of the technology industry in Indonesia. Habibie later became the founder of the Nusantara Aircraft Industry (IPTN). He was also given a mandate by President Soeharto as Minister of State for Research and Technology in 1978 and served for 20 years. However, during the monetary crisis, Suharto was forced to close IPTN. During times of economic crisis, Habibie was appointed vice president in the VII Development Cabinet on March 14, 1998. Habibie, who usually handled technology development, eventually took part in the economic crisis that hit Indonesia in 1997-1998 (kumparan.com, 11\/1998). 09\/2019). Habibie was appointed Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia on March 14, 1998. But riots and political turmoil centered in Jakarta eventually overthrew President Suharto who had been in power for 32 years. After the fall of Suharto on May 21 1998, Habibie was automatically appointed as the third president of the Republic of Indonesia (news.detik.com, 25\/07\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n Megawati was appointed by the MPR as Vice President to accompany President Abdurrahman Wahid alias Gus Dur in the 1999 elections. Two years before the inauguration, Megawati was actually a figure who was hailed as the replacement president for BJ Habibie. Even before the fall of the New Order, Megawati managed to control the Democratic Party (PDI) and turn it into the PDI-Perjuangan. Support for Mega as a form of resistance to Suharto at that time was unstoppable. However, in the 1999 election Megawati failed to become president. In fact, at that time PDI-P won the legislative elections after winning around 36 million votes or nearly 33.74 percent (kumparan.com, 10\/01\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the 1999 elections, the president and vice president had not been directly elected by the people and it was still the MPR's job to determine them. The presidential election conducted by the MPR was marked by a tug-of-war of interests. Initially, there were two competing camps in the MPR, namely the PDI-P and the Golkar Party. Then a third faction was formed led by Amien Rais who at that time was still leading the National Mandate Party (PAN). Amien Rais, who was originally on the same side as Mega as the driving force for reform, formed the Central Axis consisting of Islamic parties such as the National Awakening Party, PAN, Crescent Star Party, PPP, and the Justice Party (now PKS). This third camp rejected Megawati as president on the grounds of gender. It was this Central Axis that ushered in Gus Dur as president and defeated Megawati in the MPR voting. Gusdur won 373 votes, while Megawati 313 votes (kompas.com, 07\/23\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n Less than two years in office, on July 23 2001 to be exact, the political dynamics reversed. Amien Rais, who at that time was the Chairman of the MPR, initiated the Special Session (SI), which led to Gusdur's downfall. The MPR unanimously appointed Megawati as the 5th President of the Republic of Indonesia, then appointed Hamzah Haz as Mega's representative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Hamzah Haz was appointed by the MPR as the 9th vice president to accompany Megawati Soekarnoputri towards the closing of the Special Session (SI) on July 26, 2001. Became the highest authority in PPP, the third largest party in parliament at that time which led Hamzah Haz to the position of number two in Indonesia. He and Megawati led Indonesia until 2004.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Jusuf Kalla (JK) is the first vice president in Indonesia to be directly elected by the people through general elections. He was elected as the 10th vice president of Indonesia after winning the 2004 election with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). In the first round of the 2004 elections, SBY and JK, supported by the Democratic Party, PBB and PKPI, managed to get 33.57 percent of the vote. This achievement made SBY and JK succeed in placing first and defeating other candidates; Wiranto and Salahuddin Wahid (22,19%), Megawati Soekarnoputri and Ahmad Hasyim Muzadi (26,24%), Amien Rais and Siswono Yudo Husodo (14,94%), and Hamzah Haz and Agum Gumelar (13,05%) (KPU, 2010).<\/p>\n\n\n\n The first position in the first round earned the SBY-JK pair the right to take part in the second round against the second biggest vote winner, namely Megawati-Ahmad Hasyim. In the second round, the parties carrying SBY-JK increased (Golkar, PKB, PKS, PAN, PBB, PKPI) and returned to first place with 60.62 percent, beating their opponent Megawati-Ahmad with 39.39 percent (KPU, 2010).<\/p>\n\n\n\n JK was appointed vice president on October 20, 2004. During his tenure, JK was famous for initiating a peace agreement between the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in 2005. The agreement signed in Helsinki ended decades of conflict in Bumi Serambi Mecca. JK's other achievements as SBY's vice president include the government's success in reducing the burden of kerosene subsidies by implementing the conversion to 3 kg LPG. This program is managed by JK. As a result, the state budget has been saved up to trillion rupiahs (CNBC Indonesia, 4\/12\/2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n Boediono was elected as the 11th vice president of Indonesia after successfully winning the 2004 elections with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). The 2009 presidential election put SBY-Boediono as the winner by obtaining 73,874,562 votes or 60.80 percent. In second place, namely the pair Megawati Soekarnoputri-Prabowo Subianto with 32,548,105 votes or 26.79 percent. Meanwhile, in third place was the Jusuf Kalla-Wiranto pair who received 15,081,814 votes or 12.41 percent. The vote acquisition for candidate pair number 2, SBY-Boediono, has fulfilled more than 50 percent of the total election votes, and at least 20 percent in each province. Therefore, the KPU also stipulates that this presidential election will only last one round (Kompas.com, 18\/08\/2009).<\/p>\n\n\n\n![\"Hamengkubawono_IX_Official_Portrait\"](\"https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Mohammad_Hatta_1950.jpg\")
Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nAdam Malik (1978 \u2013 1983)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Adam Malik is a national figure who has a high commitment to strengthening and advancing the cooperative relations between Indonesia and Malaysia. Through Adam Malik on August 11, 1966, the Government of Indonesia and the Government of Malaysia signed an Agreement on the Normalization of Diplomatic Relations between the two countries which was interrupted due to confrontation for approximately three years. Several times, Adam Malik criticized government policies. In 1979, he criticized the Suharto regime, which he said had violated the 1945 Constitution. Two years later, in 1981 to be precise, Adam Malik again criticized Suharto, which he called an "epidemic", referring to the strong aura of corruption in the New Order regime. In 1983, Adam Malik was replaced by Umar Wirahadikusumah (idntimes.com, 29\/07\/2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Adam Malik. Source: Wikipedia<\/p>\n\n\n\nUmar Wirahadikusumah (1983 \u2013 1988)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Umar Wirahadikusumah. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nSudharmono (1988 \u2013 1993)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Sudharmono. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nTry Sutrisno (1993 \u2013 1998)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Try Sutrisno. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nBacharudin Jusuf Habibie (1998)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nMegawati Soekarnoputri (1999 \u2013 2001)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Megawati Sukarnoputri. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nHamzah Haz (2001 \u2013 2004)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Hamza Haz. Source: Wikipedia<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nMuhammad Jusuf Kalla (2004 \u2013 2009)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Jusuf Kalla. Source: Wikiquote<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nBoediono (2009 \u2013 2014)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n