The fall of the New Order regime was the momentum for the Indonesian nation to enter a new chapter of more democratic socio-political life. Post-reformation 1998, four elections have been held, namely in 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014. In the context of electoral democracy, there are several interesting notes in the implementation of post-reformation elections. First, the composition of the legislature (central) increased with the addition of senators or the Regional Representative Council (DPD), where each province is represented by four DPD members. Second, the president and vice president and regional heads (provinces and districts/cities) are elected directly. Third, regional head elections (pilkada) have been held simultaneously since 2015.
The direct election system for president/vice president and regional heads on the one hand is a positive development in the history of Indonesian democracy. This mechanism allows for the emergence of quality leaders chosen by the people. Along the way, there has been a tug-of-war between many interests, especially in regulatory matters. Not to mention the regional election conflicts that often arise as a logical consequence of the implementation of the regional elections themselves, such as clashes between supporting groups and the rampant practice of kinship or dynasty politics. However, in general, the post-reform election journey itself has been democratic.
Indramayu Regency is one small example of how political turmoil through post-reform regional elections took place. Unlike the political conditions at the national level which are more dynamic in terms of leadership succession through both legislative (pileg) and presidential (pilpres) elections, Indramayu is more appropriately in a government status quo marked by elite circulation centered on one family. This short article attempts to describe a few issues related to the political preferences of the community and elite circulation in Indramayu.
A Glimpse of Indramayu Regency
Indramayu is a regency in the north of West Java province, bordering the Java Sea. Unlike other areas of West Java which mostly speak Sundanese, most of the population of Indramayu speaks the Indramayu dialect of Javanese. The Dermayon dialect is almost similar to the dialect widely spoken in Cirebon, a neighboring regency to the southeast of Indramayu. While in the south and southwest, many people speak Sundanese, because it borders the Sundanese cultural environment. Indramayu borders Majalengka Regency and Sumedang Regency to the south, and Subang Regency to the west.
Administratively, Indramayu Regency consists of 31 sub-districts, which are further divided into 317 villages and 8 urban villages. The center of the regency government is located in Indramayu District which is on the coast of the Java Sea, but the busiest point in this regency is in Jatibarang, 19 kilometers south of Indramayu city. Jatibarang is the meeting point between the north coast traffic route (Pantura) of Java and the railway network. The main Pantura route passes from Patrol to Jatibarang towards Cirebon, not passing through Indramayu city. The alternative route is via Lohbener, turning northeast towards Indramayu, then southeast to Karangampel to Cirebon.
In addition to being blessed with agricultural products, especially rice and mangoes, Indramayu is also the location for exploration of the Pertamina oil refinery located in Balongan and the steam-powered electricity plant (PLTU) in Sumuradem. Other potentials of Indramayu are beach tourism, Biawak Island, and historical sites. From Indramayu in Figures 2016 published by the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) of Indramayu Regency, the population of Indramayu in 2015 was 1,718,495 people with a population density of 819 people/km2. From the Human Development Index (HDI) data issued by BPS West Java, from 2013 to 2015 Indramayu has consecutively occupied the 4th lowest position among other regencies/cities. This condition raises irony considering the many natural resources in the area.
Yance's expertise in the world of politics is recognized by friends and foes alike.
Indramayu Regional Election Post-Reformation
Observing the socio-political journey of Indramayu post-reformation is very interesting. It is not an exaggeration to say that this region is a “miniature of the New Order” in the post-reformation era. At least it is reflected in the public’s preference for certain political parties and the circulation of the power elite that revolves around one axis only. Indramayu is one of the largest vote banks of the Golongan Karya Party (Golkar) in West Java (See Table 1). In addition, the leadership elite in Indramayu is always held by Golkar cadres.
Table 1. 10 Regions in West Java with the Most Golkar Votes in the 2014 Legislative Elections
| NO | DISTRICT/CITY | NUMBER OF VOTES |
| 1 | Bogor Regency | 377.588 |
| 2 | Bandung Regency | 325.163 |
| 3 | Indramayu Regency | 299.702 |
| 4 | Karawang Regency | 211.639 |
| 5 | Bekasi Regency | 209.572 |
| 6 | Garut Regency | 204.429 |
| 7 | Sukabumi Regency | 191.455 |
| 8 | Cianjur Regency | 186.036 |
| 9 | Subang Regency | 145.282 |
| 10 | Tasikmalaya Regency | 129.937 |
Source: Processed from the results of the KPU recapitulation (Model Form DD 1 DPR RI)
Post-reformation 1998 Indramayu has experienced four regent elections (pilbup), namely in 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015. In 2000, the Indramayu Pilbup still used the election mechanism by the DPRD. At that time, the pair Irianto MS Syafi'uddin (Yance) and Dedi Wahidi were elected as regent and deputy regent (wabup) of Indramayu for the 2000-2005 period. The composition of this pair was considered ideal, especially since the figure of the deputy regent from PKB was considered representative of the santri community accompanying the figure of Yance who was considered able to bring about better change.
Unfortunately, the Yance-Dedi duet did not continue afterward. In the following period, the two figures split up, each running with a different partner. Direct regional elections in Indramayu began in 2005. Yance ran again, this time paired with Harry Sudjati. Deputy Regent Dedi had to give in to accompany comedian Nurul Qomar who ran as a candidate for regent. The solid mass support base and the deep-rooted influence of the incumbent regent led Yance to beat his rival. Yance was then re-elected as regent of Indramayu for the 2005-2010 period.
Yance's expertise in politics is recognized by friends and foes alike. The programs that are always the campaign jargon are very populist, such as agricultural development, road facilities and infrastructure, and allowances for religious teachers and mosque caretakers. The 2010 and 2015 Indramayu Pilbup were regional elections dominated by certain elites. Although he is no longer the regent, Yance's dominance is still effective in bringing his wife, Anna Sophana, to become the consecutive winner. Practically from 2000 to now, Indramayu has been controlled by the Yance family dynasty. Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipisicing elit. Illo officiis ullam error necessitatibus ab non velit vero beatae illum temporibus. Laborum hic neque ut quidem. Consectetur quis, quod tenetur fragrant dolorem quia unde odit at blanditiis deserunt aspernatur incidunt placeat, magni mollitia similique, velit porro nobis vitae hic possimus. Dolorem, iusto eveniet. Magnam perspiciatis repellendus sequi, explicabo soluta quidem atque ex animi, autem doloremque delectus esse in consequatur. Ipsam in vero minus ad non sequi molestiae impedit a sit dignissimos? Quo repudiandae laborum minus, omnis voluptates praesentium officiis.
Efforts to Build a Political Dynasty in Indramayu
Without disregarding other local figures, talking about Indramayu cannot be separated from the central figure of Yance. In addition to serving as the regent of Indramayu for two terms and winning his wife for two terms after that, Yance once ran as a candidate for governor of West Java. It is no wonder that Yance is a very influential Golkar politician in West Java (See Table 2). For the record, Anna Sophana moved to the National Democratic Party (NasDem) after Yance became a defendant and was no longer the Chairperson of the West Java Golkar Regional Leadership Council (DPD).
Table 2. Circulation of Power Elites in Indramayu Post-Reformation
| PERIOD | REGENT | PARTY |
| 2000-2005 | Irianto MS Syafi'uddin (Yance) | Golkar |
| 2005-2010 | Irianto MS Syafi'uddin (Yance) | Golkar |
| 2010-2015 | Anna Shopana | Supported by Golkar |
| 2015-2020 | Anna Shopana | Move to Nasdem |
The continuation of Yance's programs that are considered good by the community, such as agricultural development, road infrastructure, and allowances for religious teachers and mosque caretakers, became a powerful issue so that his family could continue his service, even though he could no longer be elected. In other words, the abandonment of Yance's pro-people programs as he was no longer able to serve, became a specter for most of the people of Indramayu. "If there were no rules limiting the maximum to two terms, Kang Yance would certainly serve as Regent forever like Pak Harto," said M. Sholeh, a young figure from Indramayu who was met by the author.
This statement sounds exaggerated, but it is not without reason. Yance's figure is indeed controversial, on the one hand many people in Indramayu appreciate his performance, but not a few of his policies have drawn criticism. Protests against the publication of the Qur'an which featured a cover with his picture or the trap of the steam power plant (PLTU) corruption case that made him a defendant did not dampen the love of the people of Indramayu for him. It was proven that after he could no longer run, his wife was elected as his successor for two terms.
Yance, who at that time served as the Chairman of DPD I Golkar Jabar, tried his luck to run as a gubernatorial candidate for West Java. Previously, Yance secured the region he left by placing his wife as regent. Yance denied that what he did was an effort to perpetuate power. Initially, Yance admitted to forbidding his wife or children from running as candidates. According to Yance, his family ran at the urging and support of the Indramayu community. What has happened in Indramayu in the last two decades is actually an effort to maintain the status quo, allowing socio-political conditions while looking for loopholes to perpetuate power.
Preventing the Development of Dynastic Politics and Political Ethics
In many facts, political dynasties are one of the main causes of the growth of corrupt culture. Efforts to prevent this practice through formal regulations are not easy. In Law Number 8 of 2015 concerning Regional Elections, it is regulated that regional head candidates must not have blood relations, marriage ties and/or direct lineages upwards, downwards, sideways with the incumbent, including father, mother, in-laws, uncles, aunts, older siblings, younger siblings, in-laws, children, and in-laws, except after passing a gap of one term of office.
The article on “political dynasties” was actually abolished by the Constitutional Court (MK). In the ruling hearing on July 8, 2015, the Constitutional Court stated that it did not deny the fact that incumbent regional heads have various advantages. However, according to the Constitutional Court, the restrictions were aimed at the incumbent regional head, not at his family, relatives, or certain groups. What the Constitutional Court decided was not wrong in the context of the constitution which guarantees the rights of every citizen. However, efforts to minimize the practice of political dynasties do not mean reaching a dead end.
Good political work is believed to be able to suppress the dynasty rather than simply making regulations. In addition, political ethics must be revived among the elite so that there is a shared awareness to realize a better quality of democracy. Another way is to encourage open and good cadreship by political parties so that alternative figures are born. The author believes that Indonesia actually has many potential young figures, unfortunately because of the lack of political support, the potential seems to be sinking. No exception in Indramayu, one of the 58 regions mentioned by Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) is developing a political dynasty.
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