Sukarno (1945 – 1967)
The day after Sukarno read out the text of the proclamation at Jalan Pegangsaan Timur Number 56 Central Jakarta, the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (PPKI) appointed the Son of the Dawn as president, and Muhammad Hatta as vice president. In other words, Sukarno and Hatta were not directly elected by the people through general elections (Pemilu) as in the current reform era. In the early days of independence, as mandated by the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia implemented a presidential system. The logical consequence is that the president acts as head of state and head of government. George Kahin (1995:190) in Reflections on the Struggle of the Birth of the Republic: Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia mentioned that Sukarno, Hatta, Amir Sjarifuddin, and Ir. Surachman formed the first government cabinet in the country's history on September 2, 1945.
The government cabinet, which is still as young as its corn, immediately faced various challenges. The Dutch, backed by their allies, returned to Indonesia about a week after independence, and this was followed by armed clashes in various areas, then military aggression in 1947 and 1948. Another thing, Sutan Sjahrir's call for the Indonesian people to reject all leaders who had collaborated with Japan. Kahin (1995:209) stated that the rejection of Chairil Anwar's proud uncle was inseparable from his fear of the fascist potential of the existing government. In Little Brother's mind, this rejection was tantamount to rejecting the single-party system. If a multi-party system is not implemented, all political currents will not be represented in political reality, and Indonesia has the potential to fall into the abyss of fascism. That is why Sjahrir is so keen to propose implementing a multi-party system.
Sukarno. Source: ThoughtCo.com
Sjahrir's proposal was accepted by Sukarno. For Bung Besar, the suggestion for the implementation of a multi-party system was a preparation for holding elections in January 1946 as mandated by Article II of the Additional Rules of the 1945 Constitution (Kahin, 1995:195). Even though the election did not take place that year, Sjahrir's idea was the basis for implementing a multi-party system in the historical trajectory of political reality in Indonesia. As for the input to clean up leaders who had collaborated with Japan, like it or not, Sukarno had to do it. Besides wanting to show the Dutch that Indonesia was not a creation of Japan, Sukarno also did not want power to fall into the hands of Tan Malaka, and preferred to be close to Sjahrir. The decision was of course not without consideration. For Sukarno, Sjahrir still wanted to support him, while Tan Malaka did the exact opposite. Because of this, Sukarno asked Sjahrir to become prime minister, with full authority to form cabinet members. On November 14, 1945, Sjahrir formed a government cabinet whose members had nothing to do with Japan (Kahin, 1995:212-213). This was the period when the Indonesian government system changed from a presidential system to a parliamentary system. Even though it is not in accordance with what is mandated by the 1945 Constitution, the system was implemented with the considerations mentioned earlier.
The implementation of the parliamentary system was not only accompanied by the withdrawal of the Dutch from Indonesia in 1949, but was also followed by rebellions in a number of areas. The Darul Islam rebellion and the Indonesian Islamic Army (DI/TII) erupted in West Java in 1949, the rebellion of the Republic of South Maluku in 1950, the DI/TII rebellion in South Sulawesi in 1951, the DI/TII rebellion in Aceh in 1953, the Permesta movement in 1957, the PRRI movement in 1958, and the like. This, of course, consumes a large amount of government energy and manpower. Apart from the fact that Indonesia was still so young at that time, Indonesia had previously been troubled by the PKI rebellion in Cirebon and Madiun in 1946 and 1948 respectively.
In the midst of various domestic turmoils, it is not surprising that the parliamentary system is experiencing instability. Hermawan Sulistyo (2002:75-76) in Electoral Politics in Indonesia: A Hard Way to Democracy states that these various turmoils have raised questions about the legitimacy of the government system. The cabinet during the parliamentary system ended up falling up and down many times. This political instability is believed to be overcome by holding elections. The passage of the 1953 Election Law has opened the way in that direction. Here, the first election in the history of Indonesia can be realized. Even though the process may be said to be fair and democratic, the results of the elections were disappointing for people who hoped for stability in the parliamentary system. No contesting political party can win a quarter of the total votes. The Indonesian National Party (PNI), for example, received 22.3 percent, followed by Masjumi with 20.9 percent, Nahdlatul Ulama with 18.4 percent, and the PKI with 18 percent.
The 1955 legislative elections were then followed by the 1957 local elections. Like the 1955 elections, although they were considered fair and democratic, the 1957 local elections were also considered unable to overcome the political crisis. Because of this, Sukarno, who received military support, imposed a state of war or war emergency based on the War Emergency Law in 1957. Sukarno then dissolved Parliament, and the 1945 Constitution was replaced with the 1950 Constitution. As a logical consequence, Sukarno had the authority to replace members of Parliament who had elected, returned to a presidential system and banned political parties from rejecting the change. Sukarno then consolidated his power by establishing an authoritarian regime called "Guided Democracy". He appointed members of the Parliament, and the majority came from the PKI and PNI. In the following years, Sukarno drew closer and closer to the PKI, and eventually differed from the military (Sulistyo 2002:76). Sukarno's attitude was not in line with Hatta's. Finally, as a form of disappointment, Hatta resigned from the chair of vice president, and gave a strong criticism of the practice of Guided Democracy. Sulistyo (2002:76) states that the tension at the end of Sukarno's leadership led to the 30 September 1965 Incident. Even though the coup attempt failed, the military accused the PKI of being the mastermind behind the coup. The accusation led to the massacre of PKI members.
In the end, General Suharto took over power from President Sukarno, under the name New Order. In a global context, Sulistiwo (2002:76) states that the emergence of the New Order was inseparable from the support and protection of the United States and other Western countries. Suharto's success in eliminating the PKI at the end of Sukarno's reign was seen by these countries as a glorious achievement. Although the last chapters of Sukarno's life were not special, he and Hatta managed to get through the difficult early days of independence. Domestically, for example, the two of them were able to quell unrest and rebellion in various regions. Challenges from abroad are no less complicated. Dutch military aggression I and II as well as diplomacy to defend Indonesia from Dutch grip were successfully passed by both of them. To this day, we can still witness that Indonesia has survived as a nation.
Suharto (1967 – 1998)
In March 1966, President Sukarno handed over power to Suharto through a March 11, 1966 Order. The warrant became Suharto's entry point to become President of Indonesia. Although it gave rise to dualism in government, the delegation of power had pushed the MPR through a Special Session to appoint Suharto as Acting President in March 1967. After one year, Suharto was finally sworn in by the MPR as full president (Litbang Kompas, 2020:v). With the rise of Suharto as president, Indonesia also entered a new phase called the New Order—the term New Order was coined by Suharto to cut off his power from Sukarno's.
The main capital of Suharto's power was the army's support and people's anger towards the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). After "cleaning up" Sukarno, Suharto took three ways to build and maintain his power. First, get rid of left-oriented and Sukarnoist officers. Second, promoting generals who don't have the potential to use the army against the president. Third, people who supported Sukarno and were prominent in society were removed from influential positions (Said, 2016:10). The end of the explanation was the eviction of people who could threaten Suharto's rule. During 32 years in power, practices like that could be strengthened by the New Order to maintain power.
Suharto. Source: historical id | January 18, 2016
If Indonesia was full of political outbursts under Sukarno's leadership, Indonesia under Suharto's leadership was relatively calm, even though this only occurred on the surface. In order to achieve this, Suharto strengthened the role of the state in the life of the nation and state. One of them is manifested by grouping political parties into three groups. First, the spiritual group represented by PPP as a result of the merger of NU, Parmusi, PSII, and Perti Islamic Party. Second, the PDI represents the nationalist group as a result of the fusion of the PNI, the Catholic Party, the Murba Party, IPKI and Parkindo. Third, Golkar as Suharto's political vehicle became president for six terms and the military controlled seats in the DPR. Said (2016: 13) explains that the fusion of political parties functioned more as a "complementary for sufferers" on the political stage controlled by Suharto. In every election, as is well known, Golkar always emerges victorious, with the support of more than 60 percent of voters. It should be noted that the election was not carried out ethically. This is because there is no independent implementing committee, and voters who are mobilized massively and in a structured manner.
To strengthen its power, the New Order through TAP MPR No. II/MPR/1978 proclaimed the Guidelines for Understanding and Experience of Pancasila (P4). The consequence of this policy is the cult of Pancasila as the single principle. At this point, all elements of society are required to attend P4 training. The material in the training consists of the Guidelines for Understanding and Experience Pancasila (P4), the 1945 Constitution, and the Outline of State Policy (GBHN). The activity was carried out by the Education Development Agency for Implementing the Guidelines for Understanding and Practicing Pancasila (BP7). On paper, this activity does look amazing. However, it is mere sloganism, even carried out by means of indoctrination.
Apart from controlling political parties and indoctrinating state ideology, the New Order also gave ABRI a dual role. At this point, ABRI does not only play a role in the field of defense and security as a military force, but also participates in the political field as the holder of power and state regulator. ABRI's role is called the Dwifungsi ABRI. The most obvious illustration of ABRI's involvement in social and political life is the civilian positions held by ABRI members. In the midst of chaotic economic conditions and political turmoil, political stability was Suharto's dream word to guarantee the creation of economic stability. Without political stability, as under President Sukarno, Indonesia will go nowhere, because it is too busy dealing with political disputes, and in the end attention is limited to economic issues.
Faced with a messy economy inherited from Sukarno, Suharto opened the faucet for foreign investment in 1967. For Suharto, the influx of foreign investment would spin the wheels of the economy (Historia, 28/08/2015). Also during the New Order era, development was confirmed, with the concept of the Development Trilogy. In this concept, there are three proposed, namely economic growth, political stability, and equitable development. Due to the opaque economic situation, economic growth was prioritized, then political stability, and finally economic equality. From a practical perspective, development is formulated in the long term (25-30 years) and short term (five years). During the New Order period, there were six short-term developments, namely Repelita I (1969-1974), Repelita II (1974-1979), Repelita III (1979-1984), Repelita IV (1984-1989), Repelita V (1989- 1994), and Repelita VI (1994-1999).
Even so, it does not mean that the government during the New Order era ran smoothly without problems. In the early 1970s, for example, the political temperature in Indonesia was heating up. The trigger was the construction of Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (TMII), which was considered by students and intellectuals as a form of waste in the midst of limited state finances. Moreover, before Tien Suharto announced plans to build the lighthouse project, Suharto advised the people not to waste. As a form of protest, students held discussions and demonstrations against the project. In order to prevent a wave of demonstrations, the government banned activities that opposed the construction of the project, and arrested several figures who opposed TMII (Historia, 24/11/2018). Not only that, after the TMII case, in 1974 to be precise, the Malari incident (January Catastrophe) erupted. This incident occurred due to a misappropriation of the national development program carried out by government officials at the end of Repelita I. Simultaneously, instead of prioritizing the interests of the people, economic policy actually prioritized Japanese investors. It is not surprising that students and intellectuals were furious and took to the streets as a form of protest. As was the case with TMII, the government again detained students and intellectuals to prevent the riots from getting worse.
At the end of 1997, the Southeast Asian financial crisis hit Indonesia. The economic crisis culminated into a political crisis. Even though he had followed the IMF's prescriptions, such as the abolition of several economic policies that were considered destructive, Suharto still could not stem the crisis. In the end, as said by Said (2016: 13), "Suharto did not have enough funds to 'buy' and finance his supporters and the wider community in general". In front of domestic and foreign journalists, as well as presidential aides, Suharto also read an unprecedented speech: "...Since the last few years I have been closely following developments in our national situation, especially the aspirations of the people to carry out reforms in all areas of national life and as a nation… With the above circumstances in mind… I have decided to declare my retirement as President of the Republic of Indonesia as of the reading of this statement today, Thursday 21 May 1998” (Habibie, 2006:65-66).
Habibie (1998 – 1999)
In the Credential Room of the State Palace, on Thursday 21 May 1998, Indonesia and the international community not only witnessed Suharto's resignation from the presidency, but also witnessed the appointment of Vice President BJ Habibie as President of Indonesia. The appointment was based on TAP MPR No. VII/MPR/1973, which reads: "if the President is absent, then the Vice President is appointed as President." After taking the oath of office, Habibie was well aware that the economic crisis and chaos in society could tear Indonesia apart. In Decisive Moments: Indonesia's Long Road Towards Democracy, Habibie (2006:92) states: "Wouldn't all of this...trigger a split or "Balkanization" of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which was proclaimed in 1945? Wouldn't civil war happen?”
Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie. Source: Wikipedia
In a matter of weeks since ascending to the presidency, Habibie showed his commitment to human rights (HAM), by freeing political prisoners, namely separatists and old figures from the former PKI. This action was followed by the release of student activists, the granting of amnesty to those detained after the 1984 Tanjung Priok incident, and the recognition of Mohammad Natsir as the nation's leader—a manifestation of the government's forgiveness of the PRRI rebellion (Ricklefs, 2007:665). In addition, Habibie put an end to the strict control of the press by the New Order government. During Habibie's time, new print media emerged. For Habibie (2006:114-115), freedom of the press is "a vehicle for channeling freedom of expression... one of the important pillars of democracy." To this day, the freedom of the press that was opened by Habibie still survives, and is the foundation of democracy.
Even though Suharto was no longer in power, the demonstrations did not stop, and some of them demanded revolutionary changes. However, Habibie actually preferred to do 'accelerated evolution' (accelerated evolution). Habibie realized that this would only be possible if a special session with the MPR could be held (Anwar, 2010:101-102). After the MPR session on 10-13 November 1998, a number of decisions were produced, including the opportunity to amend the 1945 Law without going through a referendum, the repeal of P4 as a compulsory subject (MPR Decree Number XVIII/MPR/1998), the term of office of the president and the vice president is limited to only serving two terms of five years each (MPR Decree No. XIII/MPR/1998), the reform agenda includes general elections, provisions to check government power, good oversight, and various changes to ABRI's dual function. In addition, the MPR Decree No. XVII/MPR/1998 concerning Human Rights encourages freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of association, and liberation of political prisoners/napols.
The result of Habibie's government that should be noted is the holding of elections. Prior to holding the accelerated elections, the government submitted a bill on political parties, a bill on elections, and a bill on the composition and position of the MPR, DPR and DPRD. After the bill was approved by the DPR and passed into law, the president formed the General Elections Commission (KPU) whose members are representatives from political parties and representatives from the government. One thing that distinguished the 1999 election from the elections during the New Order era was that the 1999 election was attended by 48 political parties. This cannot be separated from the freedom to establish political parties. Through accelerated elections, members of the DPR and MPR are replaced before the end of their term of office. In fact, Habibie cut his term of office which was supposed to last until 2003, an unprecedented move by the president.
On June 7, 1999, despite relatively short preparations, the first General Election since the fall of the New Order could take place. PDI-P emerged victorious in the 1999 elections, with 33.7 percent. Golkar received 22.4 percent, followed by PKB with 12.6 percent, PPP with 10.7 percent, and PAN with 7.1 percent (Ricklefs, 2007:669). In addition to placing PDI-P at the top of the vote tally, the 1999 election results also led Amien Rais to become chairman of the MPR and Akbar Tanjung as chairman of the DPR in the 1999-2004 period. Free and fair direct elections like this are what have survived to this day. Interestingly, Anwar (2010: 107) noted that President Habibie's personal role was very significant in the success of the 1999 Election, because he asked world leaders, including the US President, British PM, Australian PM, and the UN Secretary General, to assist Indonesia in the transition process. democracy.
Not only that, Habibie also paid attention to regional autonomy. Here, the centralization of power during the New Order era was transformed by Habibie to the decentralization of power. Regarding this, there are two laws that need to be put forward. First, Law no. 22 of 1999 concerning Regional Government gives broad authority to districts and cities, not provinces. Under this law, the regions have the freedom to organize government in various fields, except for defense and security, foreign policy, justice, fiscal and monetary, and religion. As for Law no. 25 of 1999 concerning Financial Balance between the Central and Regional Governments authorizes regional governments to receive financial sharing from the central government to finance regional needs in accordance with decentralization. Since the ratification of the two laws, the relationship between the central government and regional governments has changed to this day.
Meanwhile, the Indonesian economy, which experienced negative growth and the weakening of the rupiah exchange rate in 1998, led to reforms in the economic sector aimed at economic recovery and stability. In this context, Habibie followed a number of steps required by the IMF to overcome the crisis, especially preventing rising prices, improving the availability and affordability of food and other basic needs, realizing social safety nets, developing the people's economy, and restructuring banking and private debt (Habibie , 2006:215).
Nonetheless, the most controversial policy during Habibie's leadership was giving East Timor the right to self-determination. Here, the East Timorese were given a choice whether they would accept the offer of broad autonomy or secede from Indonesia. From the results of the referendum that was held on April 30, 1999, it turned out that most of the East Timorese people decided to become independent from Indonesia. Receiving this result, Habibie hoped that the MPR would give recognition to the decisions of the East Timorese people. By passing the decree on the separation of East Timor from Indonesia, Indonesia can show the world that Indonesia is part of an international community that is responsible, democratic and upholds human rights. Simultaneously, some circles felt that the release of East Timor from Indonesia was a manifestation of Habibie's failure as President of Indonesia.
It is not surprising that President Habibie's accountability speech before the general session of the MPR was rejected on October 14, 1999. Outside the MPR/DPR building, students and the people also demonstrated as a form of rejection of the speech. For them, Habibie was part of the New Order regime. This incident made Habibie resign from the presidential nomination exchange. Even though Habibie's leadership period was relatively short, and he was also considered part of the New Order, Habibie actually showed that he had a spirit of democracy and upheld human rights. Indeed, Habibie's efforts were far from perfect. However, what he has done has led this country to become the third largest democracy in the world (Anwar, 2010:117).
Abdurrahman Wahid (1999 – 2001)
Abdurrahman Wahid, or who is familiarly called Gus Dur, was born in Jombang on September 7, 1940. Born with the name Abdurrahman Adakhil, he was the son of KH. Abdul Wahid Hasyim, former Minister of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia from 1949 – 1953, as well as grandson of KH. Hasyim Asy'ari, founder of the Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic Boarding School.
His involvement in politics began in 1982 when he participated in campaigning for the United Development Party in the elections that year. His name became increasingly the talk of the town when he was elected chairman of the NU board of directors as a result of the 1984 congress. The congress also decided that NU would withdraw from practical political activities, including its membership as a PPP forming element. In the next election in 1987 Gus Dur became a member of the MPR RI, but not from PPP but from Golkar. In that election, Gus Dur and several NU figures actively campaigned that voting for or supporting other than PPP in elections was not something that was unlawful for Muslims.
Abdurrahman Wahid. Source: Wikipedia
When political reform took place, there was a desire among NU members to form a political party as a channel for political aspirations, separate from the NU organization. On June 29, 1998 the National Awakening Party was formed which was declared at the residence of Gus Dur, who was still serving as PBNU chairman at that time, with Matori Abdul Djalil as the first chairman (Tirto 21/8/19). PKB's participation in the 1999 election received much acclaim. It was proven that this party managed to get 13 million votes, losing only to the PDIP, which won the election, and the Golkar Party which was in second place in the national vote tally.
Although the National Awakening Party did not win the 1999 General Election, Gus Dur did win the presidential election in the MPR General Session on 20-21 October that same year. He was immediately sworn in as the fourth President of the Republic of Indonesia. The session also produced Megawati Soekarnoputri as Vice President who accompanied Abdurrahman Wahid as President for the period 1999 to 2004.
Gus Dur was faced with many demands to restore Indonesia's condition after the frenzied reforms that had taken place since 1998. Domestically, he used a more humane approach to replace the military leadership style that was closely related to the New Order. The ranks of the cabinet he leads are dominated by civilian figures. Gus Dur, for example, gave sympathetic attention to figures from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).
Not long after being sworn in as president, he visited Irian, a province which was also full of turmoil at that time. Through dialogue, he managed to win the hearts of those who loudly voiced separation from the Republic of Indonesia. He passed the request of the people who wanted Papua to be the name of the province to replace Irian Jaya. He also fully supports the implementation of the Papuan People's Congress by providing financial assistance. Since then, the Morning Star flag, which has become the local identity of the Papuan people, has been allowed to fly under certain conditions.
In the religious field, Gus Dur allowed the celebration of Chinese New Year for people of Chinese descent, and made it a holiday. Not quite up there, he then also established Confucianism as a state-recognized religion. Meanwhile abroad, Gus Dur is trying hard to convince the international community that Indonesia as a country with the largest Muslim population is capable of implementing a democratic system and living in harmony.
Gus Dur is widely known as a person who promotes the importance of tolerance and pluralism in everyday life. With this basis in mind, as president he tries to provide human equality, not only as citizens, but also as citizens of the world. Unfortunately, some of his discourses are considered controversial. Among them is the desire to revoke the MPRS Decree Number XXV of 1966 concerning the banning of the PKI, and the prohibition of the spread of the teachings of communism and Marxism/Leninism in Indonesia. He also once wanted to open trade relations directly with Israel, something that has been considered 'haram' even since the minds of most Indonesian Muslims. Both ran aground due to widespread rejection from various elements of society.
In the economic field, the performance of the cabinet government led by Gus Dur was quite good. From minus 3 percent during Habibie's era, it grew 4.9 percent in 2000. The economic team during Gus Dur's era also succeeded in reducing inequality, which was marked by a decrease in the coefficient of the Gini ratio from 0.37 in 1999 to 0.31 in 2021. As a comparison , the best gini ratio ever achieved by the New Order was 0.32 in 1993, about twenty years after Suharto was appointed President (Kompas.com 21/02/20).
Gus Dur's position as president did not last long. The results of an investigation conducted by the DPR Special Committee indicated two things. First, Gus Dur was considered to have played a role in the disbursement and misappropriation of funds by the Bina Sejahtera Foundation for the Logistics Affairs Agency. Then secondly, there is no clear information regarding the flow of money originating from the Sultan of Brunei (Tirto, 29/01/20). The public knows it by the terms Bulog Gate and Burnei Gate. Even though at that time there was no court decision that declared Gus Dur guilty, and it has not even been proven until now, the pressure for him to step down from his position continues to grow.
Gus Dur then issued a Presidential Decree in which one of its contents froze the DPR and MPR. This decree was not supported by many parties, starting from Vice President Megawati, the Central Axis coalition which had previously supported her, and the Indonesian National Armed Forces, especially after the removal of Wiranto as Coordinating Minister for Politics, Law and Security.
Amien Rais as Chairman of the MPR at that time accelerated the Special Session on July 23, earlier than previously scheduled, namely August 1, 2001. Finally the MPR Special Session decided to remove Gus Dur from his post, and appointed Megawati as President and Hamzah Haz as Vice President. Despite the support of thousands of students from the Nahdliyin circle to remain in office, on 28 July 2001 Gus Dur officially resigned as President of the Republic of Indonesia to avoid a wider conflict. Even though he was sent down in an unusual way, he will forever be remembered as the President of the Republic of Indonesia who was the most tolerant and humanist in leading the government.
Megawati Soekarnoputri (2001 – 2004)
Dyah Permata Megawati Setyawati Soekarnoputri or more commonly called Megawati Soekarnopoetri is the second child of former President Soekarno and Fatmawati. His involvement in politics began in 1986 when he became deputy chairman of the Jakarta branch of the PDI. The existence of Soekarno's race in the party had a fairly good influence because the number of PDI seats increased, from 24 in the 1982 election, to 40 in the 1987 election. PDI at the Extraordinary Congress in Surabaya in 1993. Slowly but surely it gathered its supporters and loyalists in politics.
Megawati Sukarnoputri. Source: Wikipedia
In 1996, the PDI Congress appeared in Medan, which was initiated by several cadres who wanted a change in party leadership. The congress was deemed illegal because the congress should have only been held in 1998. Soerjadi was elected chairman of the PDI as a result of the Medan Congress. The presence of the Minister of Home Affairs and the Armed Forces Commander at the congress in Medan made many people judge that the New Order government had intervened to remove Megawati from the PDI.
Meanwhile Megawati did not recognize the results of the Congress because she violated the party's bylaws and regulations, and was determined to defend the PDI office. Soerjadi, who was supported by the government, attempted to take the PDI offices by force, which later turned into riots between the masses of Megawati supporters and Soerjadi's supporters, which was later remembered as the July 27 riots. Megawati's camp ultimately lost because a civil lawsuit filed at the Central Jakarta District Court foundered (Kompas, 27/06/16). Even so, support for him grew, not only from party cadres but also other pro-democracy activists who were at odds with the New Order government. In the 1997 election, Soerjadi's PDI only won 3 percent of the vote. Megawati voted for golput, while her supporters allegedly voted for PPP.
As the tide of discontent grew, Suharto stepped down as President in May 1998, and was replaced by his deputy BJ Habibie. One of Habibie's tasks was to hold democratic elections in 1999. To face the elections, Megawati regrouped her supporters and loyalists at the Fifth PDI Congress in Denpasar, Bali. Even though he was elected by acclamation as General Chair, the government at that time still recognized Soerjadi's version of PDI management, so he changed the party's name to PDI Perjuangan so he could take part in the election.
In the election which was attended by 48 political parties, PDIP succeeded in becoming the winner by gaining more than thirty-five million votes, with a total of 153 seats in the DPR. However, this result did not necessarily lead Megawati to become president. Because at the MPR Special Session to elect a President which was held in October 1999, Abdurrahman Wahid from PKB got 30 more votes. Megawati herself was later elected as Vice President defeating Hamzah Haz from PPP.
Less than two years after serving as Vice President, Megawati was then appointed the fifth President of Indonesia, as well as the first female president in the history of the Republic of Indonesia. This could not be separated from President Abdurrahman Wahid's impeachment at the MPR Special Session in July 2001. Even though Megawati eventually became president, there were no excessive celebrations at that time because the political situation was heating up. There was no activity in the PDIP offices, because its supporters only watched the Special Session via television broadcasts (Kumparan, 20/10/19).
Megawati served as President for three years until 2004. An important event that occurred during her leadership was the amendment to the 1945 Constitution twice, through the MPR Special Session. The goal is to strengthen the presidential system and strengthen people's sovereignty. Through these two amendments, the decision to organize direct presidential elections was born to replace elections through the MPR, as well as the formation of the Regional Representatives Council which has the same position as the DPR RI.
Meanwhile, several reform policies in the field of law and governance that emerged during the era of President Megawati can be experienced today. Among them is the establishment of the Corruption Eradication Commission as the vanguard in uncovering cases of misappropriation of funds and corruption by officials, including those from parties supporting the government. The establishment of the Corruption Eradication Commission is an important progress considering that in previous times corruption cases involving government officials were almost untouched. Apart from that, there is also the Constitutional Court, a new branch of power in the judicial sector, which has one of its duties to test the suitability of a law against higher regulations, namely the 1945 Constitution. In the field of welfare, Megawati inherited the National Social Security System Law, which regulates obligations country in the health sector.
However, there were also several controversial policies issued by the Megawati government. One of them is the policy of privatization of BUMN. At that time the Megawati government was faced with demands to pay off the state debt as a result of the 1997-1998 monetary crisis. Through the sale of a number of BUMN worth Rp. 18.5 trillion, he succeeded in reducing Indonesia's debt. One that continues to be discussed until now is the sale of Indosat to a Singapore-owned BUMN, Temasek (Kompas.com, 07/26/2019).
In the 2004 election, Megawati ran for president, side by side with Hasyim Muzadi, who was then chairman of the PBNU. In the first direct presidential election, Megawati was defeated by the former Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security in his cabinet, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004 – 2014)
The 2004 general election was a historic milestone for Indonesia, because for the first time the Indonesian people could directly vote for the candidate they wanted, either electing members of parliament, as well as the President and Vice President. With a total of 153 million voters, Indonesia is the largest democracy, along with the United States and India. Some circles were pessimistic that the direct leadership succession would be marred by riots. This concern was not without reason considering that at that time political euphoria was high. Several years earlier, when President Gus Dur was impeached, there had been tension between his support group and other groups that wanted a presidential replacement. But in fact the election can take place in an orderly manner.
The direct election at that time also marked a shift in people's voting behavior, where the evaluation of figures went beyond formal ties to political parties. In the legislative election, the Democrat Party founded by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono only got around 7 percent. Meanwhile, his coalition partners, namely the Crescent Star Party and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party, won no more than 3 percent of the vote. However, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who was paired with Jusuf Kalla, managed to outperform the other candidate pairs. The momentum for SBY was increasingly unstoppable during the second round of presidential elections. Support for him grew as other parties converged, such as PAN, PKS, and PKB. The SBY-JK pair then came out victorious with 69 million votes, beating Megawati who was holding the PBNU chairman at the time, Hasyim Muzadi. With these results, SBY became the sixth President of the Republic of Indonesia, and at the same time the first president to be directly elected. Not long after, Jusuf Kalla succeeded in becoming the general chairman of Golkar, and brought the party into the coalition supporting the government.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Source: Wikipedia
In the 2009 elections, he was re-elected as President for a term of office until 2014. At that time he parted ways with Jusuf Kalla who was also running for president. In that election, SBY was quite sure of the Democratic Party as his political vehicle, so he decided to run as a presidential candidate by collaborating with an economist, Boediono, as the vice presidential candidate. In the legislative election, the Democratic Party received a three-fold increase in votes compared to the previous election, namely 20 million votes, which made the party bearing the Mercy symbol the owner of the most seats in parliament.
In his second period as President of the Republic of Indonesia, SBY formed a grand coalition in parliament under the name of the Joint Secretariat of the Government Coalition Party, whose members consisted of political parties that owned seats in the DPR, minus PDIP, Gerindra Party and Hanura Party. The aim of this coalition is to facilitate communication between the political parties that are members of the coalition (Republika, 16/05/10). Through the Joint Secretariat, SBY wants to strengthen the commitment of his supporting parties to smooth the government's strategic agenda.
Some believe that the existence of the Joint Secretariat wants to cut down the process of making a policy in parliament. Others see it as a form of government cartelization (Tempo, 15/06/10). This opinion arose because in 2008 the SBY government was cornered by other political parties in the DPR in the Century Bank bailout case, including parties that had declared their support for SBY, such as Golkar and PKS. Through the Joint Secretariat, SBY built a more formal parliamentary coalition with contracts among its members. The important thing to note is that the coalition is not based on a common ideology or ideals, but rather on pragmatic interests; the government's agenda was not hampered, while the supporting political parties won ministerial seats in the cabinet (Syamsudin Harris, 30/05/11). On the other hand, the existence of the Setgab also makes control over the government weaker. As a result, quite a number of top officials from political parties who are members of the Joint Secretariat were entangled in corruption cases during SBY's second term.
The number of corruption cases in power circles has made the public feel dissatisfied with the government's performance which is seen as stagnant, especially a year before the end of SBY's term, as illustrated in the Kompas Research and Development survey (Kompas.com, 21/10/13). John Mcbath, a journalist for The Straits Times described Indonesia's condition in the second period of SBY as 'a lost decade', while Indonesianist from Australia Edward Aspinall in The Yudhoyono Presidency: Indonesia's Decade of Stability and Stagnation said there was no significant breakthrough to create a government that clean and minimal benefits from the increase in GDP by small communities (Tirto, 20/10/17).
However, the public will remember the figure of SBY as a President who was quite successful in maintaining political stability and democracy, including resolving the problem between the central government and the separatist movement in Aceh in 2005. Through an agreement in Helsinki, Finland, the Free Aceh Movement and the central government agreed to end the conflict. which has been going on since the 1970s peacefully, with a number of points of agreement. Meanwhile in the economic field, SBY was also considered successful in creating sufficiently strong macroeconomic fundamentals so that Indonesia could successfully weather the threat of the global financial crisis in 2008 without significant problems. SBY was also able to reduce the unemployment rate to 5.7 percent, even though the poverty rate was still at 11 percent. (Kompas.com, 15/10/14). Meanwhile in terms of democratization, SBY's last legacy at the end of his term of office was the signing of the Perppu on direct election of regional heads, which annulled the law on elections by the DPRD made by the DPR RI.
Joko Widodo (2019 – Present)
Joko Widodo's name became a topic of conversation when he served as Mayor of Surakarta, especially when he was elected for his second term. He managed to win again with a vote of 90.09 percent. As Mayor, he is known for his way of working which is different from regional heads in general, namely he often goes down to the community. From here, the term blusukan will be used frequently. Besides blusukan, he is also known for his dialogue approach in solving problems. Through the dialogue, he is considered successful in moving hundreds of street vendors selling around Monument '45 to Pasar Klithikan, without significant problems.
Jokowi was increasingly recognized by many people when he was nominated by the PDIP to become the Governor of DKI Jakarta in 2012, paired with Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, who at that time was a Gerindra cadre. At that time the DKI Jakarta Pilgub was joined by several names of figures and politicians whose actions were first known to the public, starting from Fauzi Bowo who is an incumbent as well as a cadre of the ruling Democratic Party, Hidayat Nur Wahid who was once the chairman of the MPR, and Alex Noordin who was then served as Governor of South Sumatra, renowned economist Faisal Basri, and former Military Police Commander Hendardji Soepandji.
Joko Widodo. Source: Wikipedia
In the first round of elections, the Jokowi-Basuki candidate pair was able to win in five administrative cities by gaining around 1.8 million votes (42.60 percent). On the other hand, the incumbent candidate, Fauzi Bowo-Nahrowi Ramli, received 1.4 million votes (34,05%). The second round, which was only attended by the two pairs of candidates, was also won by Jokowi, who then ushered him from the seat of Mayor of Surakarta to the seat of Governor at the Jakarta City Hall. Thanks to this victory, Jokowi's popularity is getting higher. He is known as a leader with a concrete program in overcoming problems. The Jakarta Smart Card and Jakarta Healthy Card, which he campaigned for, immediately felt the benefits of Jakarta residents.
Ahead of the 2014 general election, the public talked a lot about the possibility of Jokowi enlivening the presidential candidate exchange. With popularity at its peak, Jokowi's chances in the presidential election are estimated to be quite large. The only obstacle for Jokowi to advance in the presidential election at that time was political vehicles. The decision of PDIP, as the party that has carried it since Surakarta, rests with General Chairperson Megawati, who is also expected to run for the presidential election. Therefore Jokowi also never stated anything related to the presidential election to the public. It was only on March 14, 2014 that Megawati appointed Jokowi as her party's presidential candidate, and she also expressed her willingness.
In the presidential election, he was partnered with Jusuf Kalla, former Vice President during the first term of SBY. While his rival is the founder of the Gerindra Party, Prabowo Subianto, paired with PAN General Chair Hatta Rajasa. The Jokowi-JK pair managed to come out victorious with 53.15 percent of the vote, narrowly ahead of the Prabowo-Hatta pair who got 46.85 percent. On October 20, 2014, Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla officially became President and Vice President for a term of office until 2014.
Not long after being inaugurated, he immediately moved quickly to carry out his main agenda, namely to make improvements in the economic sector, develop suburban areas, and strive for inter-regional connectivity. The initial policy that received public attention was reducing fuel subsidies. This policy actually includes what is unpopulist for a leader to do because it means it will make the prices of necessities rise. However, Jokowi succeeded in convincing the public that the subsidies withdrawn from the fuel sector were diverted to programs directly related to welfare, such as education, health, agriculture and especially, infrastructure development (Infographics of the Coordinating Ministry for Finance, 14/08/17).
As a result, as released by the Presidential Staff Office, growth is at the level of 5 percent per year, income inequality and poverty decrease. For the first time in history, the poverty rate reached single digits, accompanied by a decline in income inequality (Detik.com, 19/10/19). In terms of job creation, the Jokowi-JK Government has created 11.21 million jobs, which has reduced the unemployment rate in the last 20 years (wartaonomi.co, 20/10/19).
President Jokowi also revitalized the border areas and the outermost regions, by establishing Cross-Border Posts (PLBN) in seven regencies/cities for the better so that they reflect the authority and dignity of Indonesia. In addition to the PLBN, he is building and activating transportation support facilities in remote areas, especially airports and seaports, which will enable the growth of new economic points. In mid-2018, Jokowi's government also managed to take over a majority of Freeport's shares of 51 percent. Previously, the existence of Freeport, which was owned by foreign parties, was always under scrutiny because the share of gold mining in Papua was not optimal for state finances.
In the social sector, one of the policies that has also received the spotlight is the issuance of Perppu Number 2 of 2017 which amends Law Number 17 of 2013 concerning Ormas. Through this Perppu, the government disbanded the Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia organization, which had existed for a long time carrying an agenda that was inconsistent with the state ideology Pancasila. Some parties see this as progress because the existence of HTI, which is fighting for the establishment of Daulah Islamiyah, is considered a threat to the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and worries many parties. However, not a few also consider President Jokowi's actions in dissolving HTI as something excessive and undemocratic. After the dissolution of HTI, attacks on Jokowi, both his performance as President and as a person, became increasingly carried out, especially on social media under the pretext of freedom of expression. To respond to this, the government revised the ITE Law which regulates freedom of expression. In its development, many people think that the government is using the ITE Law to arrest people who criticize President Jokowi.
In the 2019 election, Jokowi again ran for President for a term of service until 2024. This time he took KH. Ma'ruf Amin, a senior scholar from the Nahdliyin circle. He again competed with Prabowo Subianto, who took Sandiaga Salahudin Uno, who is better known as a businessman. In the election, Jokowi successfully defended his position as President. He was sworn in on the same date as previous presidential inauguration, namely on October 20. In his second leadership period, he received much attention because of the candidacy of his son and son-in-law in the Surakarta and Medan city elections as Mayor, which were seen as an effort to create a new political dynasty in Indonesia. On the other hand, the Jokowi-KH. Ma'ruf Amin is now being tested with the problem of the Covid-19 pandemic which has hit almost the whole world, including in the country. The main criticism regarding this issue is the government's tendency to be late in anticipating the entry of the virus, and at the same time, trying to bring in foreign tourists to come to Indonesia which increases the potential for the spread of the new variant of Covid (Tempo, 02/03/20).
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